the problems that face the woman organizer are many and complex. they are the harder to handle, inasmuch as there is very little assistance to be had from any body of tradition on the subject among women workers. the movement for organization among women is still so inchoate. the woman organizer turns to the more experienced men leaders, and finds that often, even with the best will in the world, they cannot help her. the difficulties she meets with are, in detail, so different from theirs that she has to work out her own solutions for herself.
it is indeed a blind alley in which she has so often to move. the workers are young and ignorant, therefore, by all odds, they require the protection of both legislation and organization. again, the workers are young and ignorant, and therefore they have not learnt the necessity for such protection. their wages are in most cases low, too low for decent self-support. but just because their wages are so inadequate for bare needs it is in many cases all the more difficult to induce them to deduct from such scanty pay the fifty cents a month which is the smallest sum upon which any organization can pay its way and produce tangible benefits for its members.
left to her own devices, the solution of her financial difficulties which the average girl finds is always to lessen her expenses so as to manage on the lessening wage that is inevitable in all trades if not resisted. to find a cheaper room, to take one more girl into her room, to spend a few cents a day less for food—these are the near-hand economies that first present themselves to the girlish mind. this is on the economizing side. when it comes to trying to earn more, to work longer hours is surely the self-evident way of increasing the contents of the weekly pay envelope. the younger and inexperienced the worker, the more readily is she fooled into believing that the more work she turns out, under a piece-work system, the more money will she earn, not only in that week but in the succeeding weeks.
to this child-like and simple code of worldly wisdom and of ethics, the policy advised by the organizer is indeed entirely foreign. to some very good girls, indeed, it seems ethically wrong not to work your hardest, or, as they say, do your best, especially when you are urged to. to more, it seems a silly, not to say impossible plan, not to try and earn as big a wage as possible. but the organizer comes in and she approaches the question from the other end. she does not talk about a standard of living, but she preaches it all the time. it is her business and her vocation to bring the girls to see that the first step towards getting more wages is to want more wages, to ask for more wages, and then, seeing that the single girl has no power of bringing about this result by herself, to show them that they must band together with the determination to make their wage square with their ideas of living, and not think that they must forever square their mode of living with their wage.
in the acceptance into the mind of this idea is involved a complete revolution.
it is in making of this ideal theory a living force, by helping girls to put it into practice in everyday shop life that the girl organizer has her special work cut out for her. and here she necessarily contrasts favorably with the average man organizer when he tries to deal with girls, because she understands the girl's work and the girl's problems better, and the girl knows that she does.
i have taken wages as the prime subject of the organizer's activities only because wages form the crux of the whole question. there, without any deceiving veils falling between, we come close up to the real point at issue between the employer and the employed, between the employé and the community, the standard of living that is possible, as measured by the employé's share of the product of labor. but in practice, money wages form only one element of the standard of living problem, although the one around which least confusion gathers.
whatever form the demands of labor organizations may take, the essence of the demand is the same: better terms for the worker always, however temporary circumstances or technical details may obscure the issue.
that this holds of reductions in hours of work has become a truism among trade unionists, who recognize that any reduction of hours of work eventually, though not perhaps immediately, results in a readjustment of wages, whether week-workers or piece-workers or both be involved, till the original money wage at any rate is reached, supposing, of course, that no other influence enters in as an element to lessen rates of pay.
the question of equal pay for equal work involves indeed much more complicated issues, as regards both the individual worker and the whole body of women workers in the trade or branch of the trade affected. but even here, the underlying purpose is the same, the assuring, to the total number of workers whose labor has gone into the production, of a certain amount of finished marketable work, of an increased, or at the least, not a lessened share of the product of their toil. it is not to be questioned that if women are permitted to work at the same operations as men for a lesser remuneration, the man's wage must go down. in addition, he may, even at the lowered rate, lose his job, as the employer may cherish the not altogether groundless hope that he may cut down the women's wage yet further and employ yet more women, and yet fewer men.
in the same way the provision of better sanitary conditions, the fencing off of dangerous machinery, the prohibition usually of dangerous processes or of the use of dangerous materials, such as lead or white phosphorus, all involve an addition small or large, to the cost of manufacture. if, however, there be in all these instances an increase in the cost of manufacture there are also results to the well-being of the workers, which, if they could be measured in money, would be out of all proportion to the money cost to the employer or to the purchasing community. but again, it is the maintenance of the workers' ideal standard of living which causes the trade union to demand that their share of the product of their toil shall not be lessened by needless or avoidable risks to life or limb or health.
i have taken these demands in the order, in which, generally speaking, the organizer can induce the young girl worker to consider them in her own case. better pay makes by far the easiest appeal, whether it be to the very young girl with her eager desire for a good time or to her older sister upon whom, quite surely, years have laid some of life's increasing burdens.
next in order of attractiveness came shorter hours, especially if the wage-earners can be assured that wages will stay where they are.
but nothing short of both years and trade experience, apparently, will impress upon the worker all that is implied in those words that we write so easily and pronounce so glibly—sanitary conditions.
the young girls have all the blessed, happy-go-lucky care-free-ness of children, the children they are in years. they start out on their wage-earning career with the abounding high spirits and the stores of vitality of extreme youth. they are proud of their new capacity to earn, to begin to keep themselves and to help the mother and the others, and at first it does not seem to them as if anything could break them down or kill them. they do not at first associate bad air with headaches or sore throats, nor long standing with backaches, nor following the many needles of a power sewing-machine with eye trouble. the dangerous knife-edge on the revolving wheel, or the belting that may catch hair or clothing is to them only an item in the shop-furnishings, that they hope may not catch them napping.
all along the progress of labor organization has been exceedingly slow among women as compared with men, and has been far indeed from keeping pace with the rate at which increasing numbers of women have poured into the industrial field. so that it was not strange that well-meaning labor men, judging from personal experiences or arguing from analogy, came to the conclusion, paralyzing indeed to their own strivings after an all-inclusive, nation-wide organization of the workers, that women could not be organized. or if such a labor man did not like to put it quite so bluntly, even to himself, he would shake his head, and regretfully remark that women did not make good trade unionists. if someone less experienced or more hopeful came along with plans for including or for helping women, the veteran trade unionist had too often a number of facts to bring forward, the bald accuracy of which was not to be disputed, of how in his own trade the women were scabbing on the men by working for a lower wage, or that they were so indifferent about the meetings, or worse still, how that women's local did so fine during the strike, and then just went to pieces, and now there wasn't any local at all.
"facts are not to be explained away," he would conclude. no, they are not to be explained away, but some facts may be explained, and not unfrequently the explanation is based upon some other fact, which has been overlooked. with the present question, the one important fact which explains a good deal is the youth of so many women workers. this by no means disposes of each particular situation with its special difficulties, but it does help to explain the general tendency among the women to be neglectful of meetings and to let their local go to pieces, which so distracts our friend.
this new competitor with men, whom we think of and speak of as a woman, is in many cases not a woman at all, but only a girl, very often only a child. from this one fact arises a whole class, of conditions, with resulting problems and difficulties totally different from any the man trade unionist has to deal with among men.
the first and most palpable difficulty is that the majority of workers are yet at the play age. they are still at the stage when play is one of the rightful conditions under which they carry on their main business of growing up. many of them are not ready to be in the factory at all. certainly not for eight, ten or twelve hours a day. and so those young things, after an unthankful and exhausting day's toil, are not going to attend meetings unless these can be made attractive to them. and the meeting that may appear entirely right and even attractive to the man of thirty or forty will be tiresome and boring past endurance to the girl of sixteen or eighteen.
then there are other huge difficulties to encounter. the very first principles of co?perative action and mutual responsibility are unknown to the great majority of the young workers. too rarely does it happen, that in her own home the girl has learnt anything about trade unionism, at least trade unionism for women. the greater number of girls are not the daughters of factory mothers. the mother, whether american or foreign-born, grew up herself in simpler conditions, and does not begin to comprehend the utterly changed environment in which her little daughter has to work when she enters a modern factory. if american, she may; have married just out of her father's home, and if foreign-born she may have been tending silkworms or picking grapes in italy, or at field-work in poland or hungary. very different occupations these from turning raw silk into ribbon or velvet in an eastern mill, or labelling fruit-jars in an illinois cannery.
again, neither in the public nor in the parochial school are the workers-to-be taught anything concerning the labor movement or the meaning of collective bargaining. even if they should have attained the eighth grade with its dizzy heights of learning, the little teaching they have received in civics has not touched upon either of the most vital problems of our day, the labor movement or the woman movement.
the mere youth, however, of the girl workers is not in itself the chief or the most, insuperable difficulty. if these girls were boys we might look forward to their growing up in the trade, gaining experience and becoming ever more valuable elements in the union membership. but after a few years the larger percentage of the girls marry and are lost to the union and to unionism for good. nay, a girl is often such a temporary hand that she does not even remain out her term of working years in one trade, but drifts into and out of half-a-dozen unskilled or semi-skilled occupations, and works for twenty different employers in the course of a few years. the head of a public-school social center made it her business to inquire of fifty girls, all over sixteen, and probably none over eighteen how long each had held her present job. two only had been over a year at the one place. the rest accounted for such short periods as four months, six weeks, two weeks, at paper-box-making, candy-packing or book-binding with, of course, dull seasons and periods of unemployment between.
in the organized trades conditions are not quite so exasperating, but even in these the short working term of the girl employé means an utter lack of continuity in the membership of the trade and therefore of the union. the element of permanence in men's organizations is in great measure the result of the fact that men, whether they remain in one particular trade or shift to another, are at least in industry for life as wage-earners, unless indeed they pass on into the employing or wage-paying class.
but instead of seeing in the temporary employment of so many girls only another reason why they need the protection and the educational advantages of organization, we have been too contented to let ill alone, and all alike, the girl, the workingman, and the community are suffering for this inertia.
in this connection the first and most important matter to take up is that of women organizers, for women workers will never be enrolled in the labor movement of america in adequate numbers except through women organizers. and where are these today?
a most emphatic presentation of the practical reasons why the man organizer can rarely handle effectively young women workers, and why therefore women are absolutely necessary if the organization on any large scale is to be successful, was made before the convention of the american federation of labor in toronto in 1909.
the speaker was mr. thomas rumsey of toledo. he described his own helplessness before the problem. he told, how, to begin with, it was not possible for a man to have that readiness of access to the girl workers when in their own homes and in their leisure hours which the woman organizer readily obtained.
"if a girl is living at home," he said, "it is not quite, so awkward, but if she is in lodgings i can't possibly ask to see her in her own room. if i talk to her at all it will be out on the street, which is not pleasant, especially if it is snowing or freezing or blowing a gale. it is not under these conditions that a girl is likely to see the use of an organization or be attracted by its happier and more social side." then he went on to say that he himself often did not know what best to say to his girl when he had caught her. he was ignorant, perhaps almost as ignorant as an outsider, of the conditions under which she did her work. he might know or be able to find out her wages and hours; he might guess that there was fining and speeding up, but he would know nothing of the details, and on any sanitary question or any moral question he would be utterly at sea. he could neither put the questions nor get the answers, nor in any way win the girl's confidence. therefore, mr. rumsey concluded, if the american federation of labor is going to acknowledge its responsibilities in the great field of labor propaganda among women it must seriously take up the question of organizing women by women.
on a similar basis of reasoning it is easy to see that in the great majority of cases the successful organization of the women in any particular trade can be best carried out by one of themselves, a woman from their own trade. not only do the girls believe that she understands their difficulties better than anyone else, but in most instances she does indeed bring to her work that exact knowledge of details and processes which gives the girls confidence that she can fairly state their case, that she will not, through technical ignorance, ask for impossibilities, nor on the other hand permit herself to be browbeaten by a foreman or superintendent because she does not know anything about the quality of material used, the peculiarities of a machine or the local or seasonal needs of the trade. employers and managers also quickly recognize when organizers know whereof they talk. they, like the employés, realize that with such competent and efficient organizers or business agents they, too, are on firmer ground, even though they may not always acknowledge it.
to these sound general rules there are exceptions. there are cases where a man organizer can be invaluable, especially in some great, even if temporary, crisis. also, there are in the american labor movement a few women who possess a genius for organizing on the very broadest lines. so profound is their sympathy with all their sisters, so thorough their grasp of general principles, so quick their perception of details, so intimate their knowledge of human nature and so sound and cool their judgment that they can be sent far afield into trades quite foreign to those of which they have had personal experience, and make a success of it. but such as these are rare and, when found, to be prized and cherished. the ordinary everyday way of drawing the women workers into the union and into the labor movement would be to have in every trade women from that trade at work all the time organizing their fellow-workers and holding them in the organization.
when the preliminary difficulties of organization have been met and overcome, when the new union has been set on its feet or the old one strengthened, there remains for the girl leader to keep her forces together.
the commonest complaint of all is that women members of a trade union do not attend their meetings. it is indeed a very serious difficulty to cope with, and the reasons for this poor attendance and want of interest in union affairs have to be fairly faced.
at first glance it seems curious that the meetings of a mixed local composed of both men and girls, should have for the girls even less attraction than meetings of their own sex only. but so it is. a business meeting of a local affords none of the lively social intercourse of a gathering for pleasure or even of a class for instruction. the men, mostly the older men, run the meeting and often are the meeting. their influence may be out of all proportion to their numbers. it is they who decide the place where the local shall meet and the hour at which members shall assemble. the place is therefore often over a saloon, to which many girls naturally and rightly object. sometimes it is even in a disreputable district. the girls may prefer that the meeting should begin shortly after closing time so that they do not need to go home and return, or have to loiter about for two or three hours. they like meetings to be over early. the men mostly name eight o'clock as the time of beginning, but business very often will not start much before nine. then, too, the men feel that they have come together to talk, and talk they do while they allow the real business to drag. of course, the girls are not interested in long discussions on matters they do not understand and in which they have no part and naturally they stay away, and so make matters worse, for the men feel they are doing their best for the interests of the union, resent the women's indifference, and are more sure than ever that women do not make good unionists.
among the remedies proposed for this unsatisfactory state of affairs is compulsory attendance at a certain number of meetings per year under penalty of a fine or even losing of the card. (a very drastic measure this last and risky, unless the trade has the closed shop.)
where the conditions of the trade permit it by far the best plan is to have the women organized in separate locals. the meetings of women and girls only draw better attendances, give far more opportunity for all the members to take part in the business, and beyond all question form the finest training ground for the women leaders who inconsiderable numbers are needed so badly in the woman's side of the trade-union movement today.
those trade-union women who advocate mixed locals for every trade which embraces both men and women are of two types. some are mature, perhaps elderly women, who have been trade unionists all their lives, who have grown up in the same locals with men, who have in the long years passed through and left behind their period of probation and training, and to whose presence and active co?peration the men have become accustomed. these women are able to express their views in public, can put or discuss a motion or take the chair as readily as their brothers. the other type is represented by those individual women or girls in whom exceptional ability takes the place of experience, and who appreciate the educational advantages of working along with experienced trade-union leaders. i have in my mind at this moment one girl over whose face comes all the rapture of the keen student as she explains how much she has learnt from working with men in their meetings. she ardently advocates mixed locals for all. for the born captain the plea is sound. always she is quick enough to profit by the men's experience, by their ways of managing conferences and balancing advantages and losses in presenting a wage-scale or accepting an agreement. at the same time she is not so overwhelmed by their superiority, born of long practice in handling such situations, but that she retains her own independence of judgment and clearness of vision, and at the fitting moment will rise and place the woman's point of view before her male co-workers. oh yes, for herself she is right, and for the coming woman she is right, too. but the risk is rather that she and such as she pressing on in their individual advancement will outstep the rank and file of their sisters at the present stage while trade unionism among women is still so young a movement, and one which under the most hopeful circumstances will have to fulfill for many years the task of receiving, teaching and assimilating vast numbers of young and quite untrained, in many cases non-english-speaking girls.
the mixed local for all mixed trades is, i believe, the ultimate goal which women trade unionists ought to keep in mind. but with the average girl today the plan does not work. the mixed local does not, as a general rule, offer the best training-class for new girl recruits, in which they may obtain their training in collective bargaining or co?perative effort. to begin with, they are often so absurdly young that they stand in the position of children put into a class at school two or three grades ahead of their capacity and expected to do work for which they have had no preparation through the earlier grades. many of the discussions that go on are quite above the girls' heads. and even when a young girl has something to say and wishes to say it, want of practice and timidity often keep her silent. it is to be regretted, too, that some trade-union men are far from realizing either the girls' needs in their daily work or their difficulties in meetings, and lecture, reprove or bully, where they ought to listen and persuade.
the girls, as a rule, are not only happier in their own women's local, but they have the interest of running the meetings themselves. they choose their own hall and fix their own time of meeting. their officers are of their own selecting and taken from among themselves. the rank and, file, too, get the splendid training that is conferred when persons actually and not merely nominally work together for a common end. their introduction to the great problems of labor is through their practical understanding and handling of those problems as they encounter them in the everyday difficulties of the shop and the factory and as dealt with when they come up before the union meeting or have to be settled in bargaining with an employer.
but there are other and broader reasons still why it is women who should in the main be the leaders and teachers of women in the trade union, that newest and best school for the working-women. women have always been the teachers of the race. it was in the far-back ages with motherhood as their normal school that primitive women learnt their profession and handed on to their daughters their slowly acquired skill. whenever woman has been left to self-development on her own lines her achievements have always been in the constructive direction. always she has been busy helping to make some young thing grow, whether the object of her solicitous attention were a wild grass, a baby, or an art. what does education mean but the drawing forth of latent qualities? is not the best teacher the one who calls these forth? are not women teachers, trained, wise, and patient, urgently needed in the labor movement of our day? just now, when the number of young girls in industry is so great, the girls need them, we know. possibly the men also would be the gainers through their influence. the labor movement is a constant fight, it is true, but it is also a school of development. in the near future we hope it will mean to all workers even more than a discipline, a storehouse of culture, a provider of joy and of pleasure, of care in sickness, of support in adversity, and best of all, a preparation for and a hastener on of that co?perative commonwealth for which more and more of us ever watch and pray.
the need for the woman organizer admitted, the demand for women organizers becomes pressing. and where are they to be found? the reply is that they are not to be found, not yet. if the organizers were to be obtained such requests would be increased fourfold. but the material is ready to hand. the born organizer, with initiative, resource, courage and patience exists in every trade, in every city, and she comes of every race. but on the one hand she is untrained, and on the other cannot stop to receive training unless for a little while she is relieved from the pressing necessity of earning her living.
the problem of how to provide women organizers in response to the
demand for such workers, with its solution, was admirably put by mrs.
raymond robins, in her presidential address before the fourth biennial
convention of the national women's trade union league in st. louis, in
june, 1913, when she said:
the best organizers without question are the trade-union girls. many a girl capable of leadership and service is held within the ranks because neither she as an individual nor her organization has money enough to set her free for service. will it be possible for the national women's trade union league to establish a training-school for women organizers, even though in the beginning it may be only a training-class, offering every trade-union girl a scholarship for a year?
the course finally outlined included a knowledge of the principles of trade unionism, and their practical application in field-work, a knowledge of labor legislation, of parliamentary law, and practice in writing and speaking.
in the following year, 1914, the league was able to give several months of training to three trade-union girls. cordial co?peration was received from both the university of chicago and north-western university. for the present no further students have been received, because of the need of larger financial resources to maintain classes in session regularly.
the need for a training-school is attested by the constant demands for women organizers received at the headquarters of the league from central labor bodies and men's unions, and by the example of the thorough training given to young women taking up work in other fields somewhat analogous. such a school for women might very well prove in this country the nucleus of university extension work in the labor movement for both men and women, similar to that which has been so successfully inaugurated in great britain, and which is making headway in canada and in australia.
at the seattle convention of the american federation of labor held in november, 1914, a resolution was passed levying an assessment of one cent upon the entire membership to organize women. efforts were mainly concentrated upon workers in the textile industry, to which special organizers, both men and women, were assigned. there is no trade which has worse conditions, and consequently wages and regularity of employment are immediately affected adversely by any industrial depression.
women in the labor movement will have to make their own mistakes and earn their own experience. i have dwelt elsewhere upon the many advantages that accrue to women and girls from belonging to an organization so vital and so bound up with some of our most fundamental needs, as the trade union. on the very surface it is evident that in such a body working-women learn to be more business-like, to work together in harmony, to share loyally the results of their united action, whether these spell defeat or success. if they err, they promptly learn of their mistakes from their, fellow-workers, men or women, from employers, and from their families.
here, however, is perhaps the place to call attention to one markedly feminine tendency, which should be discouraged in these early days lest in process of time it might even gain the standing of a virtue, and that is the inclination among the leaders to indulge in unlimited overwork in all their labor activities. labor men overwork too, but not, as a rule, to the same degree, nor nearly so frequently as women.
do not mistake. women do not fall into this error because they are trade unionists, or because they are inspired by the labor movement or by the splendid ideals or by the aspiration after a free womanhood.
no! trade-union and socialist and suffrage women overwork because they are women, because through long ages the altruistic side has been overdeveloped. they have brought along with them into their public work the habit of self-sacrifice, and that overconscientiousness in detail which their foremothers acquired during the countless generations when obedience, self-immolation and self-obliteration were considered women's chief duties. personally these good sisters are blameless. but that does not in the least alter the hard fact that such overdevotion is an uneconomical expenditure of nervous energy.
when a wiser onlooker, wise with the onlooker's wisdom, urges moderation even in overwork, there is put forward the pathetic plea, variously worded:
"so much to do, so little time to do it."
i have never heard that hard-to-be-met argument so well answered as by a woman physician, who gave these reasons to her patient, one of the overdevoted ilk.
"agreed," she said, "there is so much to do that you cannot possibly do it all, nor the half, nor the tenth, nor the fiftieth part of it. furthermore, the struggle is going on for a long, long time, and there are occasions ahead when your aid will be needed as badly or more badly than today. and when that hour comes, if you do not take care of yourself now, you will not be there to furnish the help others require. not that i think you are dangerously ill, but i'm reminding you that, at the rate you are going, your working years, the years during which your energy and your initiative will last, are going to be few, so pull up and go slow!
"you are a leader, and you are so, partly at least, because you are a highly trained person. it has taken many years to train you up to this pitch of efficiency. you can handle agreements, at a pinch you can draft a bill. you are a favorite and influential speaker. you are invaluable in a strike, and you have often prevented strikes. we all want you to go on doing all these things. now, tell me, which is the most valuable to the whole labor movement, a few years of your activity, or many years?"
that puts the matter in a nutshell.
i do not wish to overlook the fact that there are exceptional occasions when overwork to the extent of breakdown or even death is justified, or to have it supposed that i think mere life our most valuable possession, or that there may not be many a time when truly to save your life is to lose it. but i repeat that habitual, everyday overwork, is uneconomical, injurious to the cause we serve, and likely to lessen rather than heighten the efficiency of the indispensable leaders when the supreme test comes.