the melting-pot of the races is also the melting-pot of nationalities. the drama that we are witnessing in america is a drama on a more tremendous scale than can ever have been staged in the world before.

by the unawakened and so-called pure american the incoming italian or jew is regarded as an outsider, who may be graciously permitted to hew wood and draw water, to forge steel in a rolling-mill or to sew in a factory, to cut ice or make roads for the rest of us, and who may, on the other hand, be given the cold shoulder more or less politely, generally less, when it comes to acquaintanceship, to the simple democratic social intercourse which we share with those whom we admit as our equals.

i, too, am an immigrant, although an english-speaking and anglo-saxon immigrant. therefore i am accepted among americans as one of themselves. but there comes to me often a bitter sense of separation from my fellow-immigrants, a separation by not one wall, but many. first, the wall we none of us can help, the wall raised by difference of language. next, the wall raised by different manners and customs. this we might try to scale oftener than we do. again, there are separating walls, harder than these either to surmount or to lay low, walls of provincial arrogance and crass self-satisfaction, and the racial pride that is mostly another name for primitive ignorance.

an ordinary city-dwelling american or an english-speaking foreigner earning a living in business or in one of the professions or even in some of the skilled trades might live a lifetime in the united states and never meet non-americanized foreigners socially at all. in church or club or on the footing of private entertainment these first-comers and their friends keep themselves to themselves. and although among us such race-defined limits are less hard and fast than, say, the lines of class in old european countries, still there they are. the less enlightened do not even think about the immigrant within our shores at all. those somewhat more advanced will talk glibly about the americanization of the foreigner that is going on all the time. so is it. that is true, but the point here to be noted is that the desirable and inevitable process of the americanization of the foreigner, and his assimilation by and into the american nation takes place outside the charmed circles wherein these good respectable folks dwell; takes place in spite of their indifference; takes place without their active assistance, without their co?peration, save and except so far as that co?peration is unconscious and unavoidable.

the americanizing process takes place in the street, in the cars, in the stores, in the workshop, at the theater, and the nickel show, in the wheatfield and on the icefield; best and quickest of all in the school, and nowhere so consciously as in the trade union, for all that section of foreigners whom organized labor has been able to reach and draw into its fold. carried out for the most part in crude and haphazard fashion the process goes on, only in the vast majority of cases it is far slower than it need be.

too many are but little touched, or touched only in painful ways by the americanizing process, especially the married women who stay in their homes. their lot is so often a tragedy. they have lost their own country and yet have not gained another. even this is not the worst. the younger folks are in some fashion made over into american men and women. and here comes in the crucial question which concerns something more than universality of opportunity, quality of opportunity. these little poles and ruthenians and bohemians are finally made over into americans. their life-contribution will be given to the generation now growing up, of which they will form a part. we want that contribution to be as fine as possible. they cannot give more than they themselves are. and what they are to be in very large part we are making them. will they not be all the finer citizens-to-be if we come closer to them and to their parents in the warm friendly social relations of life?

the plane of social intercourse is the last to be transformed by democracy. here is it that aristocratic and undemocratic limitations hamper us the longest. here we are still far behind the fine, free and admirable planing out of differences, and rounding off of angles and making over of characters that is part of the democracy of the street and the marketplace. here between strangers is the closest physical nearness. here the common need to live and earn a living supplies a mutual education through the very acts of serving and being served, of buying and selling and using the common thoroughfares and means of transportation. and that basic democracy of the street and the marketplace is all between strangers.

it is the very fact that this blending of peoples, this rubbing off of racial angles, takes place in and through the commonplace surroundings of everyday life, that blinds most to the greatness and the wonder of the transformation and to the pressing importance of the right adjustments being made, and made early. but to the observer whose eyes are not holden, there comes a sense that he is every day witnessing a warfare of titans, that in these prosaic american communities it is world powers that are in clash and in conflict while in preparation for the harmony to be.

upon careful consideration it would appear that the immigrant problem is only a slightly varied expression of the general social and economic problem. it focuses public attention because the case of the immigrant is so extreme. for instance, whatever conditions, industrial or civic, press hardly upon the american worker, these conditions press with yet greater hardship upon the alien. the alien and his difficulties form therefore a first point of contact, the point where the social reformer begins with his suggestions for improvement. the very same thought unconsciously forms the basis of many of the proposed methods of dealing with the immigrant, however startlingly these may differ from one another in expression. on the one hand we have such suggestions as that of mr. paul kellogg, which he called "a labor tariff, a minimum wage for the immigrant." it does not take very acute reasoning to perceive that if such a proposal were ever to become law, it would not be very long before there would have to be a universal minimum wage for everyone.

on the other hand, mr. edward b. whitney in his memorandum appended to the report of the commission of the state of new york argues thus in discussing the claim made by the majority of the commission that certain special help and protection is needed by the alien. he asks "whether, if a further extension of this kind of state charity is to be made, it would not be better to take up something for the benefit of our own citizens or for the benefit of citizen and alien alike." mr. whitney is entirely logical. only progress rarely takes place for logical reasons, or on lines dictated by logic, but it does in almost all cases follow the line of least resistance, and the wise progressive accepts gratefully whatever he can get, without being too anxious as to whether it seems to be logically the next step or not.

the immigrant has hitherto been used as an excuse to permit the dehumanizing of our cities; he has been used industrially as an instrument to make life harder for the hardly pressed classes of workers whom he joined on his arrival here. that such has been his sorry function has been his misfortune as well as theirs. would it not be equally natural and far more fair to utilize his presence among us to raise our civic and economic and industrial standards? it is no new story, this. out of every social problem we can construct a stepping-stone to something better and higher than was before. the most that we know of health has been learned through a study of the misadjustments that bring about disease. what has been done educationally to assist the defective, the handicapped and the dependent has thrown a flood of light upon the training of the normal child. through work undertaken in the first instance for the benefit of the exceptions, the minority, the whole community has benefited.

in this connection no one will deny that immigrants, both men and women, have their handicaps. in the great majority of instances they are handicapped by an upbringing among primitive conditions, by their unavoidable ignorance of our language and our customs, and by a quite natural mental confusion as to our standards of conduct, to them so curiously exacting in some respects as, for instance, where the schooling of their children is concerned, so incomprehensibly lax in others, say, in the unusual freedom accorded to those same children when grown but a little older.

we shall find that whatever we do for the immigrant will be, in the end, so much accomplished for the good of all. let us lessen this unfair pressure upon him, as far as we can, and we shall surely find that in helping him to help himself, we have, at the same time, benefited all workers.

it is easy to see that the great strikes in the sewing and textile trades of the last few years have proved a searchlight especially into women's industrial conditions, educating the whole public by informing them of the terrible price paid for our comfort by the makers of the commonest articles of household purchase and use, the sacrifice of youth, health, happiness, and life itself demanded by any industry which exacts of the employés cruelly long hours of work at an exhausting speed, and which for such overwork pays them wretchedly.

these uprisings have besides stimulated to an encouraging degree the forming of an intelligent public opinion upon the problem of the immigrant, and a wholesomely increased sense of responsibility towards the immigrant. and indeed it was time. miss grace abbott, director of the chicago league for the protection of immigrants, tells a story, illustrating how very unintelligent an educated professional man can be in relation to immigrant problems.

"not long ago," she says, "i listened to a paper by a sanitary engineer, on the relation between the immigrant and public health. it was based on a study of typhoid fever in a certain city in the united states. he showed that most typhoid epidemics started among our foreign colonies, and spread to other sections. this, he explained, is because the foreigner has been accustomed to a pure water supply, and is therefore much more susceptible to typhoid than the american who has struggled since birth against the diseases which come from polluted water.

"instead, then, of urging this as an additional reason for giving us all decent water, he drew the remarkable conclusion that in the interests of the public health, some new basis for the exclusion of immigrants must be adopted. in this way," miss abbott adds, "most discussions on the immigrant are diverted, and leave the fundamental problems quite untouched. for whether we adopt a literary and physique test, increase the head-tax, and do all the other things suggested by the restrictionists, thousands of immigrants will continue to come to us every year."

apart from general considerations, these gigantic industrial upheavals have afforded to the public-spirited citizen an unsurpassed opportunity of understanding and appreciating the industrial problem as it affects and is affected by the immigrant girl and young woman. a few of us, here and there, from personal and trade experience knew the facts years ago as well as they are generally known today. but not all the government reports, not an army of investigators could have imparted this knowledge to the public, and impressed upon them the sordid suffering of the working and living conditions of the foreign woman in the sewing trades in any great american city.

for in strikes of such magnitude, where whole groups of the participators themselves lived for months in a white heat of idealism and enthusiasm, life-stories are no longer dragged out of shy retiring girls, but are poured out in a burning flood by those very same girls, now quite transformed by the revolution through which they have passed, and by the new ideas of liberty and sisterhood with which they are possessed.

i speak of the woman worker here, because it is she who is my concern at present, and in all the now historic strikes she has played a very large part. indeed in the first of these risings, in the shirtwaist strikes of 1909-1910 in new york and philadelphia, very few men workers were involved, and in the huge chicago strike, 1910-1911, among the makers of men's ready-made clothing, although there the girl strikers numbered only about one-fourth of the whole, even that fourth made up the very respectable total of, it is believed, somewhere around 10,000 individuals, the population of a small city. indeed it would give most americans pause to be told that in this same chicago strike the whole of the workers, men and women together, numbered more than the troops that washington was able to place in the field at any one time during the war of independence.

most of these strikes have been strikes of unorganized workers, who did not know even of the existence of a union till after they had gone out, and therefore with no idea of appealing to an organization for even moral support. in chicago the strikers belonged to nine different nationalities, speaking as many different languages, so it is clear that the pressure must have been indeed irresistible that forced so many thousands with apparently no common meeting-ground or even common means of communication out of the shops into the street. when the organized strike, they know why. when the unorganized of one nationality and one tongue strike, they can tell one another why. yet these people struck in spots all over the city almost simultaneously, although in most cases without any knowledge by one group that other groups were also resisting oppression and making a last stand against any further degradation of their poor standards of living. amid every variety of shop grievance, and with the widest possible difference in race, language and customs, they shared two disadvantageous conditions: industrially they were oppressed, and socially they were subject races. therefore they were one people, in spite of their nine nationalities. these two conditions acted and reacted upon one another complicating and intensifying the struggle. but because of this very intensity it has been easier for the onlooker to separate out the real questions at issue, easier for the sympathetic american to come into wholesome and human relationship with this large body of his brothers and sisters. to him they could be one group, for their interests were one, and they had been too long separated from him and from one another by the accidents of birth and speech.

so the searchlight turned on then on the sewing trades has since cast its enlightening beams on industrial conditions in other trades, in which, too, one race is perpetually played off against another with the unfailing result of cuts in wages and lowering of standards of living.

all tests of admission to secure some measure of selection among new arrivals are but experiments in an untried field. we have no tests but rough-and-ready ones, and even these are often inconsistent with one another. for instance, for a good many years now the immigration inspectors have taken such precautions as they could against the admission of the insane, but it is only recently that modified binet tests have been used to check the entry of a socially far more injurious class, the congenitally feebleminded.

those who have worked extensively among newly arrived foreign girls find that they arrive here with, as a rule, much less idea of what awaits them, what will be expected of them, and the difficulties and even dangers they may encounter, than the men. when the chicago women's trade union league began its immigration department a few years ago, it was found that three dollars was about the average sum which a girl had in her pocket when she reached the city of her destination. ten dollars was felt to be a fortune, while i have since heard of young girls landing alone in a great city, and without a single cent with which to leave the depot. it is often said, why do their mothers let them go away (sixteen and eighteen are common ages) so young, so inexperienced? it must be remembered that many of the polish and lithuanian girls, for example, come from small villages. the mothers themselves have never seen a big city, and have not the remotest conception of any place of more than five hundred inhabitants, where the distances are short, and where everyone knows everyone else. they have no idea of the value of money, when it comes to earning and spending it in america. three dollars a week is to mother, as to daughter, an ample sum for the young traveler.

it often happens that many of the young immigrants have had letters from those who had preceded them. but we know what human nature is. the person who succeeds proudly writes home the good news. the still more successful person is able to take a trip home and display the visible signs of his or her wealth. the unsuccessful, as a rule, either does not write at all, or writing, does not admit the humiliating truth.

in the ignorance and inexperience of the young foreign girl the white slaver finds his easiest prey, and the betrayer is too often the man speaking her own tongue. on this terrible subject the nation, like other nations, is beginning to wake up to its responsibilities in relation to the immigrant girl as in relation to other girls. this special danger to young womanhood is so linked with other social questions that i merely allude to it here, because of the certainty i entertain that much even of this danger would lessen if the trade-union movement among women were so strong and so extensive that any woman, young or old, could travel from place to place as a member of a truly world-wide organization. then she would have a better chance of arriving well posted as to ways of earning her living, and of finding friends in every city and every town and village.

it may be urged that there exist already organizations world-wide in their scope, such as the religious associations, for the very purpose of safeguarding wandering girlhood. there are, and they accomplish a notable amount of good. but their appeal is not universal; they never have money or workers enough to cope adequately with a task like this, and they are not built upon the sound economic basis of the trade union.

the immigrant problem was not encountered by the first factory workers here, who were american-born. so we find the earliest leaders in the trade organization of women were wholly drawn from the daughters of the native settlers. they felt and spoke always as free-women, "the daughters of freemen." when this class of girls withdrew from the factories, they gave place to the irish immigrant, in some respects a less advanced type than themselves. i have briefly traced some of the economic reasons which affected the rise, growth and eventual passing away of the various phases of trade unionism among women in this country. the progress of these was radically modified by the influx into the trades of workers from one nation after another; by the passing from a trade or a group of trades of body after body of the old workers, starved out or giving way before the recent arrivals, whose pitiful power to seize the jobs of the others and earn some sort of a living, has lain in their very weakness and helplessness.

so the first irish girls who came into the factory life of new england were peasants, with no knowledge of city life, but quick and ready to learn. they went into the new occupations, and picked up the new ways of doing things. and by the time they had grasped the meaning of this strange industrial world in which they found themselves, they were in the relentless grasp of machine-controlled industry. under untold handicaps they had to begin at the very beginning, and start rebellions on their own account. from the sixties on we can detect the preponderance of irish names in the annals of early trade unionism. when they had adapted themselves to their conditions, for they quickly became americanized, they showed in the trade unions which they organized the remarkable qualities for political leadership which the irish and irish-americans have ever since displayed in this country. the important r?le which irish and irish-american men have played in the councils of american trade unionism is well known, and their power today remains very great. so as regards the women, by glancing over the past we can readily trace the influence of the irish girl, in the efforts after organization, unsuccessful as these often were. it was maggie mcnamara who led the brooklyn female burnishers' association in 1868. it was during the sixties that kate mullaney was leading her splendid body of troy laundresses, and twenty years later we find leonora barry, another irish girl, as the leading spirit among the women of the knights of labor.

except in isolated instances, no other race has come to the front among working-women until recently. we read of german women and bohemian women as faithful unionists. but germans, bohemians and scandinavians advanced or lost ground along with the others. by this time, moreover, the nation had become more habituated to absorbing immigrants from various nations, and the distinction between races was less accentuated after a few years' residence. on the part of the germans and scandinavians, amalgamation has been so speedy, and in the end so complete, that most of those who have been here some time, and invariably the children of the first-comers, are americans through and through.

with the foreign peoples that we have with us today, the situation is somewhat different. certain general principles are common to the course of all these migrations. they originate, on the one hand, in economic pressure, complicated not unfrequently with religious wars or persecutions, and on the other, in the expectation of better times in a new country. they meet the demands of a new country, asking for labor, and are further subject to the inducements of agents. under our haphazard social arrangements, the newly arrived often meet wretched conditions, and have no means of knowing how they are being used to lower yet further wages for themselves and others.

always, whatever their own descent and history, the older inhabitants feel resentment, knowing no more than their unfortunate rivals what is the underlying reason of the trouble. milder forms of antagonism consist in sending the immigrant workers "to coventry," using contemptuous language of or to them, as we hear every day in "dago" or "sheeny," and in objections by the elders to the young people associating together, while the shameful use that is continually made of the immigrants as strike-breakers may rouse such mutual indignation that there are riots and pitched battles as a consequence.

the first indignant efforts to exclude the intruders are vain. more and more do experienced trade unionists admit this, and plead for the acceptance of the inevitable, and turn all their energies towards the organization of the unwelcome rivals. scabs they must be, if left alone. better take them in where they can be influenced and controlled, and can therefore do less damage. here is where the help of the foreign organizer is so essential to overcome the indifference and quell the misgivings of the strangers in a situation where the influence of the employer is almost always adverse.

at length the immigrant gains a footing; he is left in possession, either wholly or partly, and amalgamation to a great degree takes place. a generation grows up that knew not the sad rivalry of their fathers, for fresh industrial rivalries on different grounds have replaced the old, as sharply cut, but not on race lines.

every one of these stages can be seen today in all the industrial centers and in many rural ones, with one people or another.

while the tendency of the organized labor movement, both in the united states and in canada, is towards restriction, whether exercised directly through immigration laws, or indirectly through laws against the importation of contract labor, there exist wide differences of opinion among trade unionists, and in the younger groups are many who recognize that there are limits beyond which no legislation can affect the issue, and that even more important than the conditions of admission to this new world is the treatment which the worker receives after he passes the entrance gate. if it is necessary in the interests of those already in this country to guard the portals carefully, it is equally necessary for the welfare of all, that the community through their legislators, both state and national, should accept the responsibility of preventing the ruthless exploitation of immigrants in the interest of private profit. exploited and injured themselves, these become the unconscious instruments of hardly less ruthless exploitation and injury to their fellows in the competitive struggle for a bare subsistence.

such exploitation could be in some degree checked through the authorities assuming control, and especially by furnishing to the new arrivals abundant information and advice, acquainting them with the state of the labor market in different localities and at different times. it is for the authorities also to see that the transportation of newly arrived foreigners from place to place is rendered secure; to encourage their early instruction in the language and laws of the country and the ordinances of the city, along with enlightenment as to the resources in time of trouble, which lie open to the poorest, if they but know where to turn.

in the first number of the immigrants in america review, the editor, frances a. kellor, points out what an unusual opportunity has been granted to america to formulate a definite program with reference to alien residents. now is the time, she insists, to perfect laws, establish systems and improve conditions, when, owing to the european war, but few immigrants are arriving, and therefore, when no great rush of people demand expedients. "now is the time to build, to repair, to initiate, so we may obviate the necessity for expedients."

the writer shows that efforts ought to be directed along seven lines, and the work on these seven lines should be closely co?rdinated.

1. transportation. the safe transportation of admitted aliens to their destination.

2. employment. security of employment, and adequate co?rdinated, regulated labor-market organization.

3. standards of living. making it possible for the immigrant to adopt and maintain better standards of living, by removal of discriminations in localities, housing and sanitation, and by preventing overcrowding.

4. savings. information regarding savings banks, loan funds, agricultural colonies, and legislation regarding the same.

5. education. reduction of illiteracy, the teaching of civics, and extension of opportunity of education and industrial training.

6. citizenship. higher and simpler naturalization requirements, and processes, and placing the legal status of the alien upon a just and consistent foundation.

7. public charges. national and state co?peration in the care of any who may become public charges.

no one can suppose that every greek boy desires to become a shoeblack, or that every scandinavian girl is fitted for domestic service and for nothing else; that every slavic jewess should become a garment-worker; that every italian man should work on the roads; that the lithuanian and hungarian, no matter what their training or their ability, should be compelled to go into the steel-rolling mills. all this because they land speaking no english, and not knowing how to place themselves in occupations better adapted to their inclinations and qualifications. no one knows how many educated and trained men and women are thus turned into hewers of wood and drawers of water, to the ruin of their own lives and the loss of the community.

the unregulated private employment office, the padrone and the sweat-shop are the agencies who direct the newcomers to jobs, whether it be in the city or out in the country camp.

many of the new arrivals would gladly take up agriculture, if they knew where to go, and were safeguarded against imposition—having a fee taken, for instance, and then landed several hundred miles away, penniless, to find all the jobs gone.

the immigrant on landing is very much like the child leaving school to go to work, and requires vocational guidance just as sorely.

the needs of the alien are closely related to the general question of unemployment. he suffers in an acute degree from the want of system in the regularization of industry, and the fact that we have failed to recognize unemployment, and all irregularity of employment as a condition to be met and provided against by industry and the community.

americans take credit to themselves that so many immigrants do well, succeed, become prosperous citizens and members of society, but wish to shoulder none of the blame when the alien falls down by the way, or lives under such home conditions that his babies die, and his older children fall out of their grades, drift into the street trades or find their way into the juvenile court. americans forget how many of all these evil results are due to the want of social machinery to enable the alien to fit into his new surroundings, or the neglect to set such social machinery agoing where it already exists. in the small towns it is not unusual for health ordinances to be strictly enforced in the english-speaking localities, and allowed to remain a dead letter in the immigrant districts. in chicago it was in the stockyards district that garbage was dumped for many years; garbage, the product of other wards, that the residents of those other wards insisted be removed from their back-doors. how much of the high infant death-rate among stockyards families has been due to the garbage exposed and decaying, so carefully brought there, from the fine residential districts?

legally the alien suffers under a burden of disabilities of which he is usually wholly unaware, until he has broken some law or regulation devised, it would appear, often for his discomfiture, rather than for anyone's else benefit. these laws and regulations, in themselves sometimes just and sometimes unjust, make up a mass of the most inconsistent legislation. state laws, varying from state to state, and city ordinances equally individual limit the employment of aliens on public work. peddlers' and fishers' licenses come under similar restrictions; so with the owning of property, the right to leave property by will, say, to a wife and children in europe, and the right even to protection of life, in violation of treaty rights. "the state courts have never punished a single outrage of this kind" [violence at the hands of a mob]. the federal government, miss kellor states, makes a payment to a victim's heirs out of a secret service fund "if the ambassador is persistent, and threatens to withdraw from washington if the murder of his countrymen is not to be punished."

these are all most serious handicaps, and certainly the need for investigation of all laws, the codifying of many, and the abolition of some is urgent.

if some of these handicaps were lifted from the immigrant, complaint against under-cutting competition of cheap foreign labor would largely cease, and the task of organizers among the foreign workers would be much simplified, even while we are waiting for the day when it will be possible for all to obtain work without turning others out of their jobs, which can only come about when we produce intelligently for the use of all, instead of for the profit of the exceptional few.

here and there work on the lines sketched out is beginning, even though much of it is as yet unrelated to the rest. the community is making headway, in the acknowledgment by various states, headed by new york, of the just claim of the immigrant, once he is admitted within our borders, to the protection of the government. for long after the federal authorities took over the control of immigration, their concern was limited to some degree of restriction over the entry of foreigners, and the enforcement of deportation, when such was considered necessary. quite a fresh departure, however, was made in the year 1910, when the state of new york, following the recommendations of its state commission on immigration (1909), established its bureau of industries and immigration, which really grew out of the activities of a private society. other communities are also realizing their responsibility. california established a permanent commission on immigration and housing in 1913, and the investigating commissions of massachusetts and new jersey recommended similar agencies in their reports to the legislatures in 1914.

new york has already accomplished excellent results, and more important still, has shown the direction, in which other states may both follow and co?perate. a few years more may see us with interstate legislation insuring the better care and protection of immigrants all over the country, interstate legislation being the curiously indirect method which the united states has hit upon to overcome the imperfections and deficiencies of its national instrument of government. one of these days may even find the federal house at washington taking over, in other lines besides that of foreign workers, the functions outlined for it in the first instance by the daughter states.

the united states government has recently entered a new field in the passage of a law, authorizing the protection of immigrants in transit to their destination, and providing for the establishment of a station in chicago, where the immigrants will go on their arrival, and will thus be protected from the gross frauds from which they have so long suffered. the present administration also promises an experiment in the development of the bureau of information in the immigration department.

it is not so easy for any of us to give the same dispassionate consideration to the problem that is with us as to that which has long been settled, and has passed away into the calm atmosphere of history. and truly, there are complications in the present situation which our fathers had not to face. and first, the much greater dissimilarity in training, mental outlook, social customs, and in the case of the men and women from eastern europe, not to speak of asia, the utter unlikeness in language, makes mutual knowledge and understanding much more difficult, and the growth of mutual confidence, therefore, much slower.

no one has yet analyzed the effects upon the nervous system of the migrating worker, of the unsettlement of habits, and the change of surroundings and social environment, working in connection with the changed climatic conditions, and the often total change in food. this is one phase of the immigrant problem which deserves the most careful study. and when, as too often in the case of the russian jew, this complete alteration of life is piled on top of the persecutions so many of them have endured, and the shocks so many have sustained before leaving their native land, the normal, usual effects of the transition are emphasized and exaggerated, and it may take a generation or longer before complete americanization and amalgamation is brought about.

the longer such a change is in being consummated, the more is the new generation likely to retain some of their most characteristic qualities permanently; to retain and therefore to impress these upon the dominant race, in this case upon the american nation, through association, and finally, through marriage. especially is this a probable result where we find such vitality and such intensely prepotent power as among the jews.

in reference to trade-union organization among women, while each nationality presents its own inherent problem, there is equally no doubt but that each will in the future make its own special contribution towards the progress and increased scope of the movement among the women workers.

as matters are developing today, the fulfillment of this promise of the future has already begun most markedly among the slavic jewesses, especially those from russia. these young women have already brought, and are every day bringing into the dreary sweatshop and the speeded-up factory a spirit of fearlessness and independence both in thought and action, which is having an amazing effect upon the conditions of factory industry in the trades where they work. so also, supporting and supported by the men of their own race, these russian jewish girls, many of them extremely young, are inspiring their fellow-workers and interpenetrating the somewhat matter-of-fact atmosphere of american trade unionism with their own militant determination and enthusiasm. with most, the strike has been their initiation into trade unionism, often the general strike in their own trade, the strike on a scale hitherto unparalleled in trades where either the whole or a very considerable proportion of the workers are women. some again, especially among the leaders, approach unionism through the ever open door of socialism. if i speak here of the women of the slavic jewish race, it is not that i wish to ignore the men. i have to leave them on one side, that is all.

these girls add to courage and enthusiasm, such remarkable gifts of intellect and powers of expression as to make them a power wherever they have become awakened to the new problems that face them here and now, and to their own responsibilities in relation thereto. they are essentially individualists. they do not readily or naturally either lean upon others or co?perate with others, nor yet confide in others. they come here with a history generations long of ill-treatment and persecution. many thousands of them have witnessed their dearest tortured, outraged and killed with the narrowest possible escape from some similar fate themselves. to most any return to their native country is completely barred, and they do not therefore nurse the hope, so inveterately cherished by the italians, for instance, that they may some day be able to go back.

when the russian jewish girl first hears of a trade union, she has usually been some years in one of our cities, working in a factory or a sweatshop, let us say as a garment-worker. the religious and social liberty which she has here learnt to consider her due has stimulated her desire for further freedom, while the tremendous industrial pressure under which she earns her daily bread stirs the keenest resentment. one day patience, jewish girlish patience, reaches its limit. a cut in wages, exhausting overtime, or the insults of an overbearing foreman, and an unpremeditated strike results. it may be small, poorly managed, and unsuccessful. the next time things may go better, and the girls come in touch with a union, and take their first lessons in the meaning of collective bargaining. (what is passing in the minds of the rank and file at this stage i am not certain. the obscurities of their psychology are more difficult to fathom.) but i am sure that to the leaders of the young protestants it is not so much in the light of a tower of refuge that the trade union presents itself, but rather as an instrument by means of which they believe that they can control a situation which has become unbearable. as happens to many endowed with the gift of leadership, they travel much farther than they had any idea of when they set out. as time goes on, if they are real leaders, they learn to understand human nature in its varied aspects, the human nature of bosses, as well as the human nature of their fellow-wage-earners. after a year or two as presidents or secretaries of their local, you will hear these fiery-tongued little orators preaching endurance, in order to gain an end not obtainable today, aye, even advising compromise, they to whom the very word compromise had erstwhile been impossible. this implies no loss of principle, no paltering with loyalty, but merely putting in practice the wisdom of the experienced statesman. nearly all, sooner or later, embrace the socialist philosophy, and many are party members. in that philosophy they find a religious sanction in their most determined struggles after victory, and unfailing support and consolation in the hour of defeat.

as for the rank and file, with them, too, something of the same mental processes probably goes on in a minor degree; but they are much longer in learning their lesson, and meanwhile are often exceedingly hard to direct. they are impulsive beyond belief. it used once to be remarked that jewish girls were the easiest of all to organize during a strike, and the hardest of all to hold in the union afterwards. this is fortunately not so true today, now that there are a few trained leaders of their own race, whom they trust, and who understand their moods, and know, better than most americans, how to handle them.

the alien is forever being resented as an obstacle, even if an unconscious one, in the way of organization. yet as far as women are concerned, it is to this group of aliens in particular that is due the recent tremendous impulse towards organization among the most poorly paid women. in the sewing trades, and in some other trades, such as candy-making, it is the american girls who have accepted conditions, and allowed matters to drift from bad to worse. it is the foreign girl, and especially the slavic jewess who has been making the fight for higher wages, shorter hours, better shop management, and above all, for the right to organize; and she has kept it up, year after year, and in city after city, in spite of all expectations to the contrary.

one of the indirect benefits of the colossal strikes in the sewing trades in which these jewish girls have played so conspicuous a part has been the increasing degree in which those of differing nationalities have come to understand one another, as men and women having common difficulties and common rights, as all alike members of the great working people. through sore trial many have learnt the meaning of "class consciousness," who never heard of the word.

the new spirit is beginning to touch the italian girl, and as time goes on, she, too, will be brought into the fold of unionism. to meet with large success, we need as leaders and organizers, italians, both men and women, of the type of arthur carotti, as capable and devoted. the italian girl is guarded in her home as is the girl of no other race, and this works both for good and for evil. the freedom of the streets, accorded so unquestioningly to their girls by the parents of other nationalities, is conscientiously denied to the italian girl. no respectable family would permit their daughters to go to any sort of an evening gathering, to attend church or dance or union meeting, unless accompanied by father, mother or brother. while no one can help deeply respecting the principles of family affection and responsibility which dictate this code of manners, there is equally no blinking the fact that it raises a most serious barrier in the way of organizing girls of italian parentage. nor on the other hand is it of the least avail to protect the girl against the evils of the industrial system of which the whole family form a part. in especial it does not serve to shield her from the injurious effects of cruel overwork. in no class of our city population do we find more of this atrocious evil, misnamed homework than among italian families, and whether it is sewing, artificial-flower-or feather-making or nut-picking, neither grown daughters nor little children are spared here. along with the mother and under her eye, the whole group work day after day, and often far into the night at occupations in themselves harmless enough under proper conditions, but ruinous to health and happiness when permitted to intrude under the family roof. for the wrong of home-work is not to be measured even by the injury suffered by the workers themselves. all parasitic trades, such as these, lower wages in the open market. the manufacturer is continually impelled to cut down wages in his shops to keep pace with the competition of the ill-remunerated home-worker.

as i have said above, i believe that every race that has settled down here in this america has some special contribution to bestow, which will work for good to the whole labor movement. i have instanced the case of the slavic jewess as one who has certainly arrived. from others the gift has still to come. from the italian girl it will come in good time, for they are beginning to enter the unions now, and from the lips of their own fellow-countrywomen even italian mothers will learn to accept for their daughters the gospel they will not listen to from foreigners like ourselves. the most severely handicapped of all the nationalities so far, to my thinking, is the polish. they are what is called pure slavs, that is, with no jewish blood. they are peasant girls and cannot be better described than they are in a pamphlet on "the girl employed in hotels and restaurants," published by the juvenile protective league to chicago.

in these places polish girls are chosen for the following reasons:

1. because they come of strong peasant stock, and accomplish a large amount of work.

2. they are very thorough in what they do.

3. they are willing to take low wages.

4. they are very submissive, that is, they never protest.

5. they are ignorant of the laws of this country, and are easily imposed upon.

6. they never betray their superiors, no matter what they see.

what a scathing indictment of the american people is set forth in this brief summing up!

the trades that swallow up these strong, patient, long-enduring creatures are work in the meat-canning plants, and dish-washing and scrubbing in restaurants and hotels. these really valuable qualities of physical strength and teachableness, unbalanced by any sense of what is due to themselves, let alone their fellow-workers, prove their industrial ruin.

it is only when they are fortunate enough to get into a better class of work, and when they chance upon some well-organized establishment and are drawn into the union as a matter of course that we find polish girls in unions at all. intellectually they are not in the running with the russian jewess and the peasant surroundings of their childhood have offered them few advantages. one evening, for instance, there were initiated into a glove-workers' local seventeen new polish members. of these two only were able to read and write english, and of the remainder not more than half were able to read and write polish. as to what is to be the later standing and the ultimate contribution of the polish girl, i cannot hazard a guess. i only know that she possesses fine qualities which we are not utilizing and which we may be obliterating by the cruel treatment so many thousands of polish girls are receiving at our hands.

i cannot see any prospect of organizing them in any reasonable numbers at present. the one thing we can do to alleviate their hard lot is to secure legislation—legislation for shorter hours and for the minimum wage.

their suspiciousness is perhaps the chief barrier in the way of social elevation of the poles. that poles can be organized is shown by the remarkable success of the polish national alliance and kindred societies. their capacity for co?peration is seen in their establishment of their own co?perative stores.