whoever has lived among these transylvanian saxons, and has taken the trouble to study them, must have remarked that not only seven centuries’ residence in a strange land and in the midst of antagonistic races has made them lose none of their identity, but that they are, so to say, plus catholiques que le pape—that is, more thoroughly teutonic than the germans living to-day in the original father-land. and it is just because of the adverse circumstances in which they were placed, and of the opposition and attacks which met them on all sides, that they have kept themselves so conservatively unchanged. feeling that every step in another direction was a step towards the enemy, finding that every concession they made threatened to become the link of a captive’s chain, no wonder they clung stubbornly, tenaciously, blindly to each peculiarity of language, dress, and custom, in a manner which has probably not got its parallel in history. left on their native soil, and surrounded by friends and countrymen, they would undoubtedly have changed as other nations have changed. their isolated position and the peculiar circumstances of their surroundings have kept them what they were. like a faithful portrait taken in the prime of life, the picture still goes on showing the bloom of the cheek and the light of the eye, long after time’s destroying hand, withering the original, has caused it to lose all resemblance to its former self; and it is with something of the feeling of gazing at such an old portrait that we contemplate these german people who dress like old bass-reliefs of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and continue to hoard up provisions within the church walls, as in the days when besieged by turk or tartar. such as these saxons wandered forth from the far west to seek a home in a strange land, such we find them again to-day, seven centuries later, like a corpse frozen in a glacier which comes to light unchanged after a long lapse of years.

from an artistic point of view these saxons are decidedly an unlovely race. there is a want of flowing lines and curves and a superfluity of angles about them, most distressing to a sensitive eye. the{32} women may usually be described as having rather good hair, indifferent complexions, narrow shoulders, flat busts, and gigantic feet. their features, of a sadly unfinished wooden appearance, irresistibly reminded me of the figures of noah and his family out of a sixpenny noah’s ark. there is something noah’s-ark-like, too, about their attire, which, running entirely in hard straight lines, with nothing graceful or flowing about them, no doubt helped to produce this scriptural impression. the saxon peasant is stiff without dignity, just as he is honest without being frank. were the whole world peopled by this race alone, our dictionaries might have been lightened of a good many unnecessary words, such as elegance, grace, fascination, etc.

of course, now and then one comes across an exception to this general rule and finds a pretty girl, like a white poppy in a field of red ones; but such exceptions are few and far between, and i have remarked that on an average it takes three well-populated villages to produce two bonnie lassies.

the men are on the whole pleasanter to look at than the fair sex, having often a certain ungainly picturesqueness of their own, reminding one of old flemish paintings.

something hard and grasping, avaricious and mistrustful, characterizes the expression of most saxon peasants. for this, however, they are scarcely to blame, any more than for their flat busts and large feet—their character, and consequently their expression, being but the natural result of circumstances, the upshot of seven centuries of stubborn resistance and warfare with those around them. “we saxons have always been cheated or betrayed whenever we have had to do with strangers,” they say; and no doubt they are right. the habit of mistrust developed almost to an instinct cannot easily be got rid of, even if there be no longer cause to justify it.

this defensive attitude towards strangers which pervades the saxons’ every word and action makes it, however, difficult to feel prepossessed in their favor. taken in the sense of antiquities, they are no doubt an extremely interesting people, but viewed as living men and women, not at first sight attractive to a stranger; and while compelling our admiration by the solid virtues and independent spirit which have kept him what he is, the saxon peasant often shows to disadvantage beside his less civilized, less educated, and also less honest neighbor, the roumanian.

as a natural consequence of this mistrust, the spirit of speculation{33} is here but little developed—for speculation cannot exist without some degree of confidence in one’s neighbor. they do not care to risk one florin in order to gain ten, but are content to keep a firm grasp on what they have got. there are no beggars at all to be seen in saxon towns, and one never hears of large fortunes gained or lost. those who happen to be wealthy have only become so by the simple but somewhat tedious process of spending half their income only, during a period of half a century; and after they have in this manner achieved wealth, it does not seem to profit them much, for they go on living as they did before, nourishing themselves on scanty fare, and going to bed early in order to save the expense of lights.

the townsfolk are weaker and punier editions of the villagers, frequently showing marks of a race degenerated from constant intermarriage; and, stripped of their ancient noah’s-ark costume, lose much of their attraction.

they are essentially a bourgeois nation, possessing neither titles nor nobility of their own, although many can boast of lengthy pedigrees. those who happen to be adel (noble) have only obtained their von in some exceptional manner in later times, and the five-pointed crown seems somewhat of an anomaly.

although the saxons talk of germany as their father-land, yet their patriotic feeling is by no means what we are accustomed to understand by that word. their attachment to the old country would seem rather to be of prosaic than romantic sort. “we attach ourselves to the german nation and language,” they say, endeavoring to explain the complicated nature of their patriotism, “because it offers us the greatest advantages of civilization and culture; we should equally have attached ourselves to any other nation which offered us equal advantages, whether that nation had happened to be hungarian, french, or chinese. if the hungarians had happened to be more civilized than ourselves, we should have been amalgamated with them long ago.”[5]

such an incomprehensible sort of patriot would probably have been condemned by scott to go down to his grave “unwept, unhonored, and unsung.” but i suppose that allowances must be made for{34} their peculiar position, and that it is difficult to realize what it feels like to be a grafted plant.

there is one village in transylvania which, isolated in the midst of a hungarian population, offers an instance of a more complex species of nationality than any i have yet heard of. this is the village of szass lona, near klausenburg, which used to be saxon, but where the people have gradually forgotten their own mother-tongue and can only speak hungarian. there is, however, no drop of hungarian blood in their veins, as they marry exclusively among themselves; and they have retained alike the german type of feature and the national saxon dress intact in all its characteristics. also the family names throughout the village are german ones—as hindrik, tod, j?ger, hubert, etc.

though none of these people can speak a word of german, and no one can remember the time when german was spoken in the village, yet during the revolution of 1848 these hungarian-speaking germans rose to a man to fight against the magyars.

the saxon dialect—totally distinct from modern german—has, i am told, most resemblance to the patois spoken by the peasants near luxemburg. it is harsh and unpleasant to the ear, but has in some far-off and indefinable way a certain caricatured likeness to english. often have i been surprised into turning round sharply in the street to see who could be speaking english behind me, only to discover two saxon peasants comparing notes as to the result of their marketing.

the language, however, differs considerably in different neighborhoods; and a story is told of natives of two different saxon villages, who, being unable to understand one another, were reduced to conversing in roumanian.

the sachsengraf (count), or comes, was formerly the head of the nation, chosen by the people, and acknowledging no other authority but that of the king. he was at once the judge and the leader of his people, and had alone the power of pronouncing sentence of death, in token of which four fir-trees were planted in front of his house. the original meaning of this i take to be, that in olden times the malefactors were executed on the spot, and suspended on these very trees, in full sight of the windows—a pleasant sight, truly, for the ladies of the family.

nowadays the saxon comes has shrunk to a mere shadow of his former self; for though there is still nominally a comes who resides{35} at hermanstadt, his position is as unlike what it used to be as those four trumpery-looking little christmas-trees stuck before his door resemble the portentous gallows of which they are the emblem. it is, in fact, merely as a harmless concession to saxon national feeling that the title has been preserved at all—a mere meaningless appendage tacked on to the person of the hungarian obergespan, or sheriff.

the principal strength of these saxon colonists has always lain in their schools, whose conservation they jealously guard, supporting them entirely from their own resources, and stubbornly refusing all help from the government. they do not wish to accept favors, they say, and thereby incur obligations. these schools had formerly the name of being among the very best in austria; and i have heard of many people who from a distance used to send their children to study there, some twenty to thirty years ago. that this reputation is, however, highly overrated is an undoubted fact, as i know from sad experience with my own children, though it is not easy to determine where the fault exactly lies. the saxons declare their schools to have suffered from hungarian interference, which limits their programme in some respects, while insisting on the hungarian language being taught in every class; but many people consider the saxons themselves quite as much to blame for the bad results of their teaching. doubtless, in this as in other respects, it is their exaggerated conservatism which is at fault; and, keeping no account of the age we live in, what was reckoned good some thirty years ago may be called bad to-day.

anyhow, between the reforming hungarians and the conservative saxons, unfortunate stranger boys have a very hard time of it indeed at the hermanstadt gymnasium, and it is a fact beginning to be generally acknowledged that children coming to austria from transylvanian schools are thrown two classes back.

but the whole question of education in austria is such a provoking and unsatisfactory one that it is hardly possible to speak of it with either patience or politeness; and by none are its evil effects more disastrously felt than by hapless military families, who, compelled to shift about in restless fashion from land to land, are alternately obliged to conform their children to the most opposite requirements of utterly different systems.

thus the son of an officer serving in the austrian army may be obliged to study half a dozen different languages (in addition to latin,{36} greek, german, and french) during a hardly greater number of years. he must learn italian because his father is serving at trieste, and may be getting on fairly well with that language when he is abruptly called upon to change it for polish, since cracow is henceforth the town where he is to pursue his studies. but hardly has he got familiar with the soft slave tongue when, ten to one, his accent will be ruined for life by an untimely transition to bohemia, where the hideous czech language has become de rigueur. slavonian and ruthenian may very likely have their turn at the unfortunate infant before he has attained the age of twelve, unless the distracted father be reduced to sacrifice his military career to the education of his son.

it is not of our own individual case that i would speak thus strongly, for our boys, being burdened with only seven languages (to wit, polish, english, german, french, greek, latin, and hungarian), would scarcely be counted ill-used, as austrian boys go, having escaped bohemian, slavonian, ruthenian, and italian; yet assuredly to us it was a very happy day indeed when we made a bonfire of the magyar school-books, and ceased quaking at sight of the formidable individual who taught hungarian at the hermanstadt gymnasium.

o happy english school-boys, you know not how much you have to be thankful for!—your own noble language, adorned with a superficial layer of greek and latin, and at most supplemented by a little atrocious french, being sufficient to set you up for life. think of those others who are pining in a complicated net-work of bohemian, polish, hungarian, slavonian, italian, croatian, and ruthenian fetters; think of them, and drop a sympathizing tear over their mournful lot!

that the saxon school-professors are well-educated, intelligent men is no proof in favor of the schools themselves, for here another motive is at work, namely, no man can aspire to be pastor without passing through the university, and then practising for several years at a public gymnasium; and as these places are very lucrative, there is a great run upon them. now, as formerly, most young men are sent to complete their studies at some german university town—heidelberg, g?ttingen, or jena—an undertaking which, before the days of railroads, must have required considerable resolution to enable those concerned to encounter the hardships of a journey which took from ten to twelve weeks to perform. it was usually conducted in the following manner: some enterprising roumanian peasant harnessed{37} twelve to fourteen horses to some lumbering vehicle, and, laden with a dozen or more students thirsting for knowledge, pilgered thus to the german university town some eight or nine hundred miles off. returning to transylvania some six months later, he brought back another batch of young men who had completed their studies.

the weight which these saxons have always attached to education may be gathered from the fact that in almost each of their fortified churches, or burgs, there was a tower set apart for the inculcation of knowledge, and to this day many such are still in existence, and known as the schul thurm (school-tower). even when the enemy was standing outside the walls, the course of learning was not allowed to be interrupted. it must have been a strange sight and a worthy subject for some historical painter to see this crowd of old-fashioned fair-haired children, all huddled together within the dingy turret; some of the bolder or more inquisitive flaxen heads peering out of the narrow gullet-windows at the turbans and crescents below, while the grim-faced mentor, stick in hand, recalls them to order, vainly endeavoring to fix their wandering attention each time a painim arrow whizzed past the opening.

why these saxons, who have shown themselves so rigidly conservative on all other points, should nevertheless have changed their religion, might puzzle a stranger at first sight. the mere spirit of imitation would not seem sufficient to account for it, and luther’s voice could hardly have penetrated to this out-of-the-way corner of europe at a time when telegraphs and telephones were yet unknown. the solution of this riddle is, however, quite simple, and lies close at hand, when we remember that even before the reformation all those preparing for the sacerdoce went to germany to complete their studies. these, consequently, caught the reforming infection, and brought it back fresh from headquarters, acting, in fact, as so many living telephones, who, conveying the great reformer’s voice from one end of europe to the other, promulgated his doctrines with all the enthusiasm and fire of youth.

every year thus brought fresh recruits from the scene of action; no wonder, then, that the original catholic clerical party grew daily smaller and weaker, and proved unable to stem this powerful new current. the contest was necessarily an unequal one: on one side, impassioned rhetoric and the fire of youth; on the other, the drowsy{38} resistance of a handful of superannuated men, grown rusty in their theology and lax in the exercise of their duties.

in the year 1523 luther’s teaching had already struck such firm roots at hermanstadt that the archbishop of gran, to whose diocese hermanstadt then belonged, obtained a royal decree authorizing the destruction of all lutheran books and documents as pernicious and heretical. accordingly an archiepiscopal commissary was despatched to hermanstadt, and all burghers were compelled to deliver up their protestant books and writings to be burned in the public market-place. it is related that on this occasion, when the bonfire was at its highest, the wind, seizing hold of a semi-consumed psalter, carried it with such force against the head of the bishop’s emissary that, severely burned, he fainted away on the spot. the book was thrown back into the fire where it soon burned to ashes; but on the third day after the accident the commissary died of the wounds received.

another anecdote relating to the reformation is told of the village of schass, which, while luther’s doctrine was being spread in transylvania, despatched one of its parishioners, named strell, to rome in quest of a papal indulgence for the community. more than once already had strell been sent to rome on a like errand, and each time, on returning home with the granted indulgence for his people, he was received by a solemn procession of all the villagers, bearing flying banners and singing sacred hymns. he was, therefore, not a little surprised this time, on approaching the village, to see the road deserted before him, though he had given warning of his intended arrival. the bells were dumb, and not a soul came out to meet him; but his astonishment reached its climax when, on nearing the church, he perceived the images of the saints he had been wont to revere lying in the mire outside the church walls. to his wondering question he received the reply that in his absence the villagers had changed their faith. strell, however, did not imitate their example, but raising up the holy images from their inglorious position, he gave them an honorable place in his house, remaining catholic to the end of his days.

nevertheless, in spite of many such incidents, the change of religion in transylvania brought about fewer disturbances than in most other places. there was little strife or bloodshed, and none of that fierce fanaticism which has so often injured and weakened both causes. the saxon peasantry did this as they do everything else, calmly and practically; and the government permitting each party to follow its{39} own religion unmolested, in a comparatively short time peace and order were re-established in the interior of the country.

without wishing to touch on such a very serious subject as the respective merits of the two religions, or attempting to obtrude personal convictions, it seems to me, from a purely artistic point of view, that the sterner and simpler protestant religion fits these independent and puritanical-looking saxon folk far better than the ancient faith can have done; while the more graceful forms of the oriental church, its mystic ceremonies and arbitrary doctrines, are unquestionably better adapted to an ardent, ignorant, and superstitious race like the roumanian one.