d. john of austria received the message from the marqués de santa cruz at a deserted place called diana, two miles from tunis, where he had camped. he ordered a crier to announce at once that the town of tunis was given over to be sacked, on the understanding that no one was to be either wounded, killed, or taken as a slave. then he continued the march, and arrived at tunis at two o'clock. he left the army drawn up in front of the walls, and entered the town accompanied only by his captains, to reconnoitre it for himself, arrange barracks and billets to avoid misbehaviour on the part of the soldiery and give courage to the moors who showed themselves, which were all those left in tunis. the alcaide of the alcazaba came with the other principal moors, and delivered up the keys of the fortress, with a humble but dignified address. d. john listened courteously, without alighting from his horse, and did not take the keys which the alcaide offered on his knees. he made a sign to the marqués de santa cruz that he should take them, as he was the first to enter the place.[16] then he wrote at once from the alcazaba to his brother philip ii, announcing that his majesty was lord of tunis without a shot having been fired. at last he gave the signal to sack the town. the loot was plentiful, and as far as it was possible the sack was orderly, without other outrage than the death of an old man who had taken refuge in a mosque, and several fires, due to the italians, whom d. john punished without loss of time, causing four of them to be hanged. "they found in the town," says the journal of fr. miguel servia, "much wheat, barley, wool, butter, oil, and many garments; pimento, cinnamon, cloves, ginger, beautiful porcelain and veils. from the wells, cisterns and caverns they drew rich garments, gold, silver and other things; and these first days they all ate nothing but fowls, because there were countless numbers of them. the soldiers divided the spoil among themselves in their barracks afterwards, and nothing else was heard but digging in various parts of the town, and then selling what was found, clothing being sold for a low and wretched price. some parts of the town the italians set on fire, which much annoyed his highness, but many people came up, and it was remedied."

a very extraordinary thing happened to d. john at the alcazaba. this castle, which, as we have said, was big and strong, had within its walls large cloistered court-yards, orchards, and gardens, comfortable rooms richly furnished in the moorish fashion, with pavements and fountains of white marble. these were the rooms of the king muley hamida, and in them d. john lived. there was a winding staircase by which to descend to a shady little garden, with hedges of myrtle and beautiful flower borders, and oranges and lemons, quinces and pomegranates. beyond were the baths, and behind these the old ruined part of the alcazaba. the day after his arrival d. john went to this garden, at the hour of siesta, in search of coolness. he was accompanied by gabrio cervelloni, captain-general of the artillery, and by juan de soto, and they sat down on a sort of seat of moorish tiles, under the shade of some creepers. the heat, the hour, the noise of running water, and the sweet peacefulness of this enchanting spot soon overcame the feeble conversation, and they were in that comfortable, charmed state which precedes sleep. suddenly cervelloni jumped up from his seat and put his hand on his dagger, d. john and soto doing the same: along one of the myrtle-edged paths they saw slowly advancing an enormous lion with a tangled mane. the animal seemed astonished to see these persons, and paused for a moment, gazing about as if surprised, with one paw poised in the air. then it quietly continued its walk, and went up to d. john, who had gone to meet it, rubbing against his legs like a dog, and throwing itself humbly at his feet. then a nubian slave appeared from the side of the baths, and explained by picturesque signs that his beautiful animal was a tame lion for the solace of king hamida, and that it lived familiarly with all the dwellers of the alcabaza. d. john then gently caressed the mane, and such a current of sympathy passed between the lion of austria and the lion of the desert, that the latter became the devoted slave of the former, and thus the great knight d. luis zapata de calatayud describes it, having often seen it: "d. john gave it his own name of austria," says the already quoted zapata in his miscellany, "and neither by day nor by night, like a faithful captain, did it ever leave its post. when transacting business at naples he had it lying at his feet like a greyhound, its head on the ground, and satisfied with the attention paid to it. when he dined it was at the table, and ate what d. john gave it. it came when he called it, and on the galley, the boat was its dwelling-place. when he was riding, it ran at his stirrups like a lackey, and if he went on foot, behind like a page. there was nothing in his royal house at which this gentle and obedient lion was not present, to the point of being by day or by night of those of his bed-chamber; and if it was cross with anyone who took hold of it, in order to rouse it, a word from the lord d. john, calling, "austria, quiet, come here," pacified it, and it went to throw itself on his bed. this beautiful and rare animal, when d. john left naples for flanders, gave such sighs and roars that it saddened and astonished all those of that kingdom, until at last, from sorrow for the loss and absence of its master, eating much and eating little, it died."

it is this lion which is painted in various portraits of d. john, whose gay, chivalrous nature made him sign himself for fun in the letters to his two great friends, d. rodrigo de mendoza and the conde de orgaz, as the knight of the lion, and in another letter to gian andrea doria, lamenting his work in flanders, he says, "the knight of the lion does not in the least envy the good life of genoa, and its coast, as his life is as laborious as that of the knight at ease is peaceful."

d. john, according to philip ii's instructions, made a thorough examination of the fortifications and strategical position of tunis, and had long talks about it with gabrio cervelloni, who was well versed in such matters; but, far from settling to dismantle the town, as the king thought, he decided to build a new fort, capable of holding 8000 men, to complete its defence. tunis is situated on the banks of a lagoon, which is so shallow that it is called "el esta?o" (the pond), which is no other than the ancient and famous port of carthage, silted up by the centuries, and the carelessness and the filth of all tunis which emptied itself there. the mouth of the lagoon is a narrow channel in the gulf of tunis, and it is in this opening that goletta is situated, defending the entrance. on the opposite side there is an island, separated by another channel from tunis, and it is here that d. john thought to build the new fort, with a covered communication with the alcazaba. most of those consulted warmly applauded the project, a few condemned it, faint-hearted ones or toadies, to whom not to agree with the king was openly to disobey him. but d. john, firm in his idea, ordered gabrio cervelloni to put it into execution without delay; which fact was not overlooked, and later the crafty antonio pérez, always on the watch, knew how to make capital out of it.

meanwhile the moors were reassured by the humane and generous conduct of d. john. they trusted him absolutely, and daily the fugitives returned to their houses, and moors of the country descended from the mountains to sell bread, meat, eggs, olives, fish, beef, mutton, and a thousand other things, as peacefully and with as much confidence and security as they would in an ordinary market. there still remained, however, a garrison of turks in biserta; but the moor horrus, who was the alcaide, surprised them with a few neighbours, and beheaded them all. he then took a fine turkish galley which was in the port, killing some of the crew, making slaves of others, and giving liberty to the 156 christian captives on board. having accomplished this feat, the twenty-two moorish magnates went to tunis, with the christian captives, to deliver them up to d. john, and to make their submission to him.

this happened on the 13th of october, and on the 14th d. john, satisfied as to the submission of the kingdom, publicly gave it over to the prince muley hamet; not with the title of king of tunis, but with that of governor in the name of his catholic majesty d. philip ii, king of spain. he also wrote the same day to goletta, giving d. juan de cardona orders to embark on a galley for palermo, and gave another as an escort to the dethroned king muley hamida and his son, and all the other moors of his suite who cared to follow them. at first the proud moor refused to embark, but, convinced by his son and by those about him that resistance would be futile, he allowed himself to be taken on the galley without resistance. he was wrapped in a long mulberry-coloured cloak, with a white burnous over it, with the hood drawn, hiding his face with its swollen features. he was swarthy, with an evil countenance and a scanty beard. he walked slowly and with much dignity, his arms crossed, and his eyes fixed on the african soil which he was treading for the last time. when he embarked on the galley from the boat he received a salute of two cannons, and the crew gave theirs also, which they called "de forzado." then his african impassiveness broke down, and he burst into tears, saying bitterly in arabic, "king without a crown, man without freedom, salutes are unbecoming to you." such was the king muley hamida, whom cervantes calls "the cruellest and bravest moor in the world."

tunis quieted and the moors content with their new government, d. john returned to goletta and began the preparations for his departure. he left 8000 men divided between goletta, tunis, biserta and the island where they were beginning the new fort, and named as generals of these garrisons d. pedro portocarrero, gabrio cervelloni, d. francisco de avila, and d. juan zagonera. this done, he embarked on the 24th of october in the evening, taking with him all the remainder of the army, except the marqués de santa cruz, who remained with the galleys under his command as rearguard. at palermo he learnt of the death of princess juana, which had taken place at the escorial on the 8th of september. the loss of this beloved sister affected d. john very much, and those of his household saw him, in the privacy of his room, cry like a child, which proves that bravery and energy are not weakened by feelings and the tears which spring from pure and tender affections. he ordered funeral rites in the churches, and the fleet to go into mourning, painting and hanging with black the masts, yards, oars and bulwarks of the ships.

this mourning, however, did not prevent the great reception d. john received in naples. it was something like the solemn triumphs of the roman conquerors of old; nor did the procession lack captive kings and princes, to wit, muley hamida and his son, or strange wild beasts of other countries, represented by the lion austria, who walked at d. john's stirrups, led by two strong nubians who waited on it, without its seeming surprised or put out by the bands, salutes, or the shouting of the mixed multitude which accompanied d. john all the way from the mole to the palace.

d. john entered naples on the 12th of november, and on the 13th juan de soto left for rome on a secret mission, to tell the pope from d. john that the tunis expedition was ended as far as it concerned him, and that if the pope still intended to give him the kingdom as he had offered to do, that he should interpose his good offices with philip ii, so that d. john might accept it without any disloyalty and with philip's absolute consent. the ambassador d. juan de zú?iga knew of the arrival of soto in rome, and although he did not know the reason, he hastened to apprise philip ii of the fact, who by it was filled with suspicion and fresh jealousy. he was, however, soon enlightened, as in a day or two the nuncio ormanetto, bishop of padua, presented himself on a special mission on behalf of gregory xiii, and explained very minutely the pope's plans for the kingdom of tunis and for d. john, urging strongly that they should be approved and favoured. d. philip listened attentively, and as if these plans were not for the good of all christendom, but only for the benefit of d. john of austria. he thanked his holiness very much for the interest that he took in his brother, and charged the nuncio to say so to gregory xiii.

three days later he wrote a letter to his brother, of which lorenzo vander-hammen makes a precis thus:

"that he was not to be anxious about his person or promotion, as he would see to that as of one so near to him, but that this was not the time until it was seen what would be the result of the past expedition, nor could it be of use or value, but rather a great vexation and care to all; that he would consider the matter well as the case demanded, and if it were advisable he would be the first to assist in its execution, as he desired it."