d. john of austria arrived on the 12th of april, 1568, at hiznaleuz, where he halted to arrange his solemn entry on the next day into granada, which was only five leagues off. he was accompanied by a great number of gentlemen, who formed his suite, and at the head of them was luis quijada, placed at d. john's side by the king, as adviser and counsellor. the duque de sesa, who also had received the king's orders to help d. john, in the same way as luis quijada, was to follow in a few days. the same day the marqués de mondejar came, with many captains and kinsmen, to visit d. john; he stayed the night at hiznaleuz to report about the state of the war, and went back early in the morning to granada, to fill his post in the solemn reception.

the king had written very minute details to the president, d. pedro deza, notifying even how many of the officials of the courts and chapter were to go to meet his brother. but the king could not regulate the enthusiasm of the neighbours, or the joy of the troops, some of whom had become slack through the indolence of the marqués de mondejar, and others discontented through the harshness and severity of the marqués de los vélez. so there was universal hope and joy that day in granada, and all went to meet the new leader through the fields of the vega, which were as fresh and as full of sunshine and flowers as were their hopes.

the first to set out was the conde de tendilla, eldest son of mondejar, and he reached the village of alboloto, a league and a half from granada; with him were 200 men, 100 of the troop of tello gonzalo de aguilar, and 100 of his own, whose lieutenant was gonzalo chacón, shortly afterwards the hero of a certain noisy adventure in the capital. the latter were all finely turned out in moorish costume, the others wearing crimson silk and satin in the spanish fashion, and all well armed with cuirasses, helmets, shields and lances, as if they wished to show by their dress that it was a day of rejoicing though a time of war. in the same manner came d. john and his men; he wore a breastplate, shoulder-piece, and gorget of burnished steel, garnished with golden nails, "cuxotes" or wide breeches of cloth of silver and gold, over mulberry-coloured silk, caught in by strings of pearls; crimson stockings, high white leather boots with golden spurs, cuffs and ruff of rich flemish point, and a high hat of cut velvet with a tuft of feathers, fastened with a magnificent jewel of emeralds; on his breast hung the golden fleece, and on his left arm he wore a crimson cockade, the badge of his command, which was afterwards changed for a flowing red sash. they met at alboloto and exchanged compliments, and together returned to granada, forming a brilliant squadron. first came d. john of austria between luis quijada and the conde de miranda, behind them followed the gentlemen and the troops. meanwhile, at the royal hospital, outside the gates, were waiting the president d. pedro deza, the archbishop, and the corregidor; the first had brought four judges and the magistrates; the second four canons and the dignitaries of the chapter; and the corregidor four aldermen and their deputies.

these were those specified by the king in his letter to d. pedro deza, but the entire nobility of the town, the principal citizens and the whole neighbourhood were also assembled, without anyone being able or wishing to stop them. the moors of the albaicin, discarding their own dress for that prescribed by the much-discussed decree, came from all parts, mixing with their neighbours, making false sounds of joy and gladness, which, according to the subsequent declaration of some, were mingled with curses under their breath on d. john and the christians in arabic. the crowd stretched from the gate of elvira to the stream of beyro, where the reception was to take place; in the plain of this name were drawn up all the infantry, which formed a body of 10,000 men, the marqués de mondejar at their head. when d. john came in sight, the president and the archbishop pressed forward to the stream, riding powerful mules with fine trappings, followed by their friends and the corregidor on horseback with his following, and behind them all the gentlemen and citizens. the first to alight was the president, who very humbly made his compliments to d. john, who promptly threw himself off his horse, receiving the president, hat in hand, in his arms, where he held him a while. he did the same to the archbishop, and then passed before him, according to their seniority, the judges and the alcaldes, the dignitaries of the chapter, the corregidor and the notable citizens. the president, standing on d. john's right hand, presented them all by name, and to each he said something kind or appropriate, and pleased them all; as besides his natural good heart, which made d. john courteous without affectation or study, he possessed a priceless quality for princes, that of making himself sympathetic and winning affection at first sight.

this ceremony over, luis quijada and the conde de miranda passed in front of d. john, to leave their places at his right and left hand to the president and archbishop. in this way they walked to the town, with an incredible crowd of people who filled all the fields. as the suite came up to the first rows of the troops formed up in the plains of beyro, all the bells of the town began pealing, and the drums to roll; trumpets and clarions sounded, and the arquebuses were fired without intermission, making an impressive salute, the thick smoke of which covered everything as with a transparent cloud, giving to the manly figure of d. john something warlike and supernatural, which charmed the gaze and fired the imagination.

but, suddenly, within the city arose the sound of loud cries and wailing, and d. john saw, leaving by the gate of elvira, more than 400 women, with dishevelled hair, and torn mourning garments, who filled the air with groans, and running towards him in a disorderly troop, threw themselves under his horse's feet, plucking their hair, beating their breasts, tearing their clothes, covering themselves with dust, and uttering lamentations and shrill cries. till at last one of them, an old woman, lifting herself up, with her grey hair flying and her mourning garments rent, extended her trembling, withered arms towards d. john, and in a hoarse, disconsolate voice addressed him in these words. "justice, my lord, justice is that for which these poor widows and orphans beg, who now must love tears in the place of husbands and fathers; who did not feel so much pain when they heard the cruel blows of the arms with which they were being killed by the heretics, as on hearing that these should be pardoned."

d. john was first taken aback, and then touched, when he learned that these poor women were the widows and orphans of those christians who lately had been killed and martyred by the moors, and extending his hand towards them, he performed the miracle of silencing them, and consoled them, as much as he could, by promising to see justice done. then the lamentations ceased in the city, and d. john saw nothing but hangings and awnings of brocade and cloth of gold, and a crowd of richly adorned dames and maidens, who threw flowers from the windows as he passed and, according to the moorish custom, glass balls filled with scent. d. john alighted at the door of the "audiencia," where his lodging was prepared; the house of ill fortune, as the moors called it, because from it was to come their ruin.

two days later, d. john being still covered, as one may say, with the dust of the journey, the moors of the albaicin sent four of their number on an embassy to him, the most crafty among them, says a chronicler. they wished to sound the new leader and deceive what they presumed to be the inexperience of his youth, as they had deceived the sordid nature of the marqués de mondejar, and the fervent piety of the archbishop. they presented themselves consequently as injured, instead of humbling themselves as offenders, enumerated the injuries that they had received, asking for justice and proclaiming their innocence, and with the greatest effrontery clamoured for the help and protection of d. john for their lives, honour and property.

photo anderson

don john of austria

attributed to sir antonio more

in possession of don fernan de fernandez de velasco

d. john let them talk freely, giving the sustained and courteous attention which all judges should show to the prisoner who is defending himself; but, when they had finished, he began to speak gravely and firmly, his face so impassive that not all the quickness of the moors could guess his intentions, answering them in these studied words:

"the king, my lord, has ordered me to come to this kingdom, for its quiet and pacification; be certain that all those who have been loyal to the service of god, our lord and his majesty, as you say you have been, will be looked on favourably, and honoured, and you will keep your liberties and freedom. but also i wish you to know, that as well as using equity and clemency to those who deserve it, those who have not so behaved will be punished with the utmost rigour. and, as regarding the injuries which your spokesman says that you have received, give me your writing so that i may send and have them remedied, and i wish to warn you that what you say had better be true, as otherwise you will bring trouble on yourselves."

the moors left crestfallen on hearing this, understanding that they had not succeeded in taking the youth by surprise, and already fearing his resolution and prudence. and they were right to be afraid, as from the first moment d. john was convinced that the mainspring of the rebellion was the albaicin, that from there it was always being stirred up with help and news, and sustained and animated by well-grounded hopes of being assisted by turks and "berberiscos" from the coast. he, therefore, resolved at once to guard the coast in a way that should make landing impossible, and to clear out the albaicin, that sink of treason and espionage, at one blow casting forth all the moors from granada. so d. john put these two proposals before his council of war, and without a murmur they approved of the first one, agreeing that the knight commander d. luis de requesens, lieutenant-general of d. john at sea, should assist, with the galleys he had in italy, to guard and defend the coasts. as regards the expulsion of the moors from the albaicin, their opinions were divided, and each defended his own with more or less reason and courage. but d. john, firm in his purpose, which was upheld by the authority of the president, d. pedro deza, sent the advice to the king, begging him, if he approved, to give instructions about the villages, and how to settle these dangerous people beyond the radius of the rebellion.

d. john did not waste time while the king was arranging the business. he first applied himself with great activity and energy to repress the excesses of the captains and soldiers as to lodging, taxes and rapine of all kinds, and to reduce the war to a plan, under one leader, a thing hitherto impossible, owing to the rivalry and mutual dislike of the marquéses de mondejar and de los vélez, and the want of discipline and cupidity of the officers and soldiers, who were more occupied with pillage and booty than in gaining victories or taking positions. they did not fight to win, but to rob, and at times, overburdened with their plunder, they let themselves be killed rather than abandon it; others, already having enough booty to satisfy their greed, fled with it inland, deserting their colours.

luis quijada unfailingly helped d. john with his sound judgment and his great experience in the art of war, without sparing him arguments or grumblings, as in other times he had not spared the emperor, d. john's father, and a month after quijada's arrival at granada, the 16th of may, he wrote the following disconsolate letter to the prince of évoli, which gives an idea of the sad state of the campaign.

"i owe an answer to your lordship's letter of the 7th of this month: for three or four days i have had no fever and have endeavoured to get up, but i could only do so for a few hours, as my weakness is great, and i return to bed tired out; i eat and sleep with scant pleasure. i will go as i can and not as i should wish, because if ever i felt ill it is now, and i do not want to make myself out such a great soldier that i could have remedied everything; but i do think that much might have been done at the beginning. these damned soldiers, volunteers and citizens, live in a way never before known; they have no discipline and behave in a way that is not reasonable or right for men of war, because they think not of fighting, but of robbing god and everyone. god's will be done, but i tell you that such a disaster at such a time has never been known as the one that befell the knight commander;[9] we placed our hopes in him to hold the sea, not less than on the soldiers he was bringing us, to produce the good effect that could be brought about. this is over, and so entirely over that for hours at a time and without any difficulty the arms and ammunition these dogs expect, which it is said is a great quantity, can be landed: to receive them there are more than enough people, but not enough to carry them away; according to report the galley slaves will arrive at a signal, and will go to the mountains, to which those of the plain have already retired, taking the remainder of their property, determined to die, and i have no doubt that they will do so if the soldiers were to press them, although the formation of the ground will protect them; but, sir, it grieves me much that these are not soldiers any more than their captains and officers. then the galleys which came from italy and the soldiers in them were of so little use that it was best to order them to return, and until gian andrea arrives, as d. álvaro de bazán is in sardinia, i do not know if it would be wise to order him to join d. sancho, that they should not dare to disembark in such a barefaced way, but they will know what is best there. i am afraid we shall pay for the delay of gian andrea and the haste of the knight commander. these dogs have been making signals for eight days and have assembled 12,000, among whom are 6000 marksmen, the rest with weapons, swords, and slings, and in other parts 8000 are assembled. i do not believe that they are as well armed as they tell us, or that they have as much powder as they make out. through my illness i have not been near a council or heard anything for days. you will know what is happening by what the lord d. john writes; my opinion is that it will be best to press them and bring this business to an end. it might be wrong according to how long the people tarry that we have sent for and whether they are as good as we could wish. the horse soldiers are very good, and wherever they go, however few they be, the moors do not wait for them, nor please god will they do so unless they alter the order which has been kept here hitherto, as with theirs they can hope for no success; for bad as we are, they are worse, as we at all events try to be more or less worthy men. the lord d. john does all he can with the assistance of those you know of with all possible care and diligence and in finding out bribes and swindling and wrongs which the officers have done, but it requires great skill, as many arrange that if they lose their money, they have still more left as they give it to the others: they say it is beyond all words, even after they have heard that d. john has named an auditor to look into the matter. it was the wisest thing to have sent the licentiate biguera, for many reasons, but specially to see what belongs to his majesty, which is a great quantity, if it is well looked after, but it is much for one man to do. oh, my lord! what land to buy! what is worth ten to-day in ten years will be worth a hundred; i should not be sorry to hear you were thinking and finding out about it; for much less than what you gave d. diego you could buy a better estate: his majesty must sell and at a good price, and the profit will be great for him who buys. i beg y.l. to forgive such a long letter, but it is after two o'clock, and i cannot sleep; if it pleases you that i should tell you tittle-tattle i have certainly done so. that pastrana so much pleases the princess now it is hers i can well believe: may your lordship and ladyship enjoy it for many long years. i kiss your lordship's hands many times. from real before the moors. 16th of may, 1569."