julian's regiment arrived at konigsberg early in march, and found that it was to form part of ney's division. the whole country round had been turned into an enormous camp, and every town was the centre round which a great array of tents was clustered. the troops were of many nationalities—french, poles, bavarians, saxons, prussians, austrians, and even spanish. never since the hordes of attila swept over europe had so vast an army been gathered. the total force collected for the invasion of russia amounted to 651,358 men, of whom some 520,000 were infantry, 100,000 cavalry, and the remainder artillery and engineers. they had with them 1372 guns.

april passed without any movement. the troops became impatient, and even the veterans, whose confidence in napoleon was implicit, shook their heads.

"we ought to be across the frontier before this," an old sergeant of julian's company said to him, as they smoked a pipe together over two mugs of german beer.

"it isn't that i think there will be much fighting, for what can russia do against such an army as this? they say alexander has been busy since the peace of tilsit, but at that time he could scarce place 50,000 men in the field. no one fears the russians; but it is a big country, and they say that in winter the cold is horrible. we shall have long distances to march, and you know how much time is always wasted over making a treaty of peace. if we are to be back again before winter we ought to be off now. of course, the emperor may mean to hold st. petersburg and moscow until next spring, and i daresay we could make ourselves comfortable enough in either place; but when you come to winter six hundred and fifty thousand men, and a couple of hundred thousand horses, it is a tremendous job; and i should think the emperor would send all this riff-raff of spaniards, germans, and poles back, and keep only the french as a garrison through the winter. still, i would much rather that we should all be back here before the first snow falls. i don't like these long campaigns. men are ready to fight, and to fight again, twenty times if need be, but then they like to be done with it. in a long campaign, with marches, and halts, and delays, discipline gets slack, men begin to grumble; besides, clothes wear out, and however big stores you take with you, they are sure to run short in time. i wish we were off."

but it was not until the 16th of may that napoleon arrived at dresden, where he was met by the emperor and empress of austria, the kings of prussia and saxony, and a host of archdukes and princes, and a fortnight was spent in brilliant fêtes. napoleon himself was by no means blind to the magnitude of the enterprise on which he had embarked, and entertained no hopes that the army would recross the frontier before the winter. he had, indeed, before leaving paris, predicted that three campaigns would be necessary before lasting terms of peace could be secured. thus an early commencement of the campaign was of comparatively slight importance; but, indeed, the preparations for the struggle were all on so great a scale that they could not, with all the energy displayed in pushing them forward, be completed before the end of june.

thus, then, while napoleon delayed in paris and feasted at dresden, the roads of germany were occupied by great hosts of men and enormous trains of baggage waggons of all descriptions, moving steadily towards the russian frontier. on the 12th of june napoleon arrived at konigsberg. ney's division had marched forward a fortnight before, and the emperor on his route from konigsberg to the frontier reviewed that division with those of davoust and oudinot, and also two great cavalry divisions.

to oppose the threatening storm alexander had gathered three armies. the first, stationed in and round wilna under general barclay de tolly, comprised 129,050 men; the second, posted at wolkowich, and commanded by prince bagration, numbered 48,000; the third had its headquarters at lutsk, and was commanded by count tormanssow; while the reserve, which was widely scattered, contained 34,000 men. thus the total force gathered to oppose the advance of napoleon's army of 650,000 was but 211,050. it had, too, the disadvantage of being scattered, for it was impossible to foresee by which of the several roads open to him, napoleon would advance, or whether he intended to make for st. petersburg or moscow.

during the next few days the divisions intended to form the advance moved down towards the niemen, which marked the frontier, and on the 24th of june three bridges were thrown across the river near kovno, and the passage began. the french cavalry drove off the cossacks who were watching the passage, and the same evening the emperor established his headquarters at kovno, and the corps of davoust, oudinot, and ney crossed the bridges, and with the cavalry under murat, composing altogether a force of 350,000 men, marched forward at a rapid pace on the 26th for wilna, seventy-five miles distant. it was not until a few days before napoleon crossed the frontier that the russians obtained any definite information as to the force with which he was advancing, and their commander-in-chief at once saw that it would be hopeless to attempt to oppose so large a body. a great mistake had been committed in occupying a position so near the frontier, but when the necessity for retreat became evident, no time was lost in carrying it into effect, and orders were despatched to the commanders of the various armies to fall back with all speed. thus, although the french accomplished the wonderful feat of marching seventy-eight miles in two days, which was done in the hope of falling upon the russians before they had time to concentrate, they found the town already evacuated, and the whole of the immense magazines collected there destroyed.

almost simultaneously with the passage of the niemen by the three corps under the french marshals, those of prince eugene and the other generals also crossed, but further south, and also advanced at full speed in hopes of interposing between the three russian armies, and of preventing their concentration. for the next week the french pressed hard upon the rear of the retreating russians, but failed to bring on a battle, while they themselves suffered from an incessant downpour of rain which made the roads well-nigh impassable. the commissariat train broke down, and a hundred pieces of cannon and 5000 ammunition waggons had to be abandoned. the rain, and a bitterly cold wind that accompanied it, brought on an epidemic among the horses, which were forced to depend solely upon the green rye growing in the fields. several thousands died; the troops themselves suffered so much from thirst and hunger that no less than 30,000 stragglers fell out from the ranks and spread themselves over the country, burning, ravaging, plundering, and committing terrible depredations. such dismay was caused by their treatment that the villages were all abandoned, and the whole population retired before the advance of the french, driving their flocks and herds before them, and thus adding greatly to the difficulties of the invaders.

route

map showing the route of napoleon's march to moscow.

the greater portion of these straggling marauders belonged not to the french corps, but to the allies, who possessed none of the discipline of the french soldiery, and whose conduct throughout the campaign was largely responsible for the intense animosity excited by the invaders, and for the suffering that afterwards befell them.

as the pursuit continued even napoleon's best soldiers were surprised at their failure to overtake the russians. however long their marches, however well planned the operations, the russians always out-marched and out-man?uvred them. it seemed to them almost that they were pursuing a phantom army, a will-o'-the-wisp, that eluded all their efforts to grasp it, and a fierce fight between the rear-guard of barclay de tolly's army and the advance-guard of murat's cavalry, in which the latter suffered severely, was the only fight of importance, until the invaders, after marching more than half-way to moscow, arrived at witebsk.

nevertheless they had suffered severely. the savage ferocity with which, in spite of repeated proclamations and orders, the invading army treated the people, had exasperated the peasantry almost to madness, and taking up arms, they cut down every straggler, annihilated small parties, attacked baggage trains, and repeated in russia the terrible retaliation dealt by the spanish guerillas upon their invaders.

on the right of the french advance there had been heavier fighting. there general schwarzenberg with his 30,000 austrians had advanced against the third russian army, under tormanssow. a brigade of the division under regnier, which was by napoleon's order marching to join schwarzenberg, entered kobrin, where it was surrounded by tormanssow, and after a brave resistance of nine hours, in which it lost 2000 killed and wounded, the remainder, 2300 in number, were forced to surrender. tormanssow then took up a strong position with his 18,000 men, and awaited the attack of the united forces of schwarzenberg and regnier, 38,000 strong.

the battle lasted all day, the loss on either side being between four and five thousand. tormanssow held his position, but retired under cover of night. on the 3rd of august the armies of barclay and bagration at last succeeded in effecting a junction at smolensk, and towards that town the french corps moved from various quarters, until 250,000 men were assembled near it, and on the 15th of august, murat and ney arrived within nine miles of the place.

smolensk, a town of considerable size, on the dnieper, distant 280 miles from moscow, was surrounded by a brick wall thirty feet high and eighteen feet thick at the base, with loopholed battlements. this wall formed a semicircle of about three miles and a half, the ends resting on the river. it was strengthened by thirty towers, and at its forts was a deep dry ditch. the town was largely built of wood. there were no heavy guns upon the walls, and the city, which was completely commanded by surrounding hills, was in no way defensible, but barclay de tolly felt himself obliged to fight.

the greatest indignation prevailed in russia at the retreat of the armies without attempting one determined stand, the abandonment of so large a tract of country to the french, and the suffering and ruin thereby wrought among the population of one of the richest and most thickly-peopled districts of russia. barclay's own plan had been to draw the enemy farther and farther into the country, knowing that with every mile of advance their difficulties would increase and their armies become weakened by fatigue, sickness, and the assaults of the peasantry. but the continued retreats were telling upon the spirit of his own troops also. to them the war was a holy one. they had marched to the frontier burning to meet the invader, and that, from the moment of his crossing the niemen, they should have to retreat, hunted and harassed like beaten men, goaded them to fury. the officers were no less indignant than the men, and barclay found that it was absolutely necessary to make a stand.

the french were as eager as the russians to fight, and when it became known that the enemy seemed determined to make a stand at smolensk they were filled with exultation. ney's corps was the first to appear before the town, and took up its position on rising ground a short distance from the suburbs lying outside the wall and next to the river. davoust's corps was to his right, poniatowski's division came next, while murat with his cavalry division completed the semicircle.

"the russians must be mad," was the comment of the veterans of julian's regiment. "the place is of no strength; the artillery will breach the walls in no time. they have but one bridge by which to retreat across the river, and we shall soon knock that to pieces with our guns on the right, and shall catch all who are in the town in a trap."

the obstinate resistance, however, that had been given by the russians to the attacks on their rear-guard had impressed the invaders with a respect for their foes, that was in strong contrast to the feeling entertained when they crossed the frontier, save only among the soldiers who had met the russians before, and who knew with what dogged valour they always fought, especially when on the defensive.

"it is going to be tough work, jules, i can tell you," one of them said to julian, whose english birth was now almost forgotten, and who, by the good temper he always manifested, however long the marches and however great the fatigues, had become a general favourite. "i guess we are only going to fight because the russians are tired of retreating, just as we are tired of pursuing them. they can gain nothing by fighting here. we outnumber them tremendously. the great bulk of their army lies on the heights on the other side of the river, and there is nothing to prevent their retreating to some strong position, where they might give battle with advantage. on the other hand, there is no reason why we should fight here. we have come down thirty or forty miles out of the direct road to moscow, and if, instead of doing so, we had crossed the river, and had gone straight on, the russians must have evacuated the town and pushed on with all speed in order to get between us and moscow. but this marching about without getting a battle discourages men more even than defeat, and i hope that it will do something to restore discipline among the germans and austrians, ay, and among our own troops too. i have been through a number of campaigns, and i have never seen such disorder, such plunder, such want of discipline as has been shown since we entered russia. i tell you, jules, even a defeat would do us good. look at the russians; they never leave a straggler behind them, never a dismounted gun, while the roads behind us are choked up with our abandoned guns and waggons, and the whole country is covered with our marauders. i should be glad if one of the brigades was ordered to break up into companies and to march back, spreading out across the whole country we have traversed, and shooting every man they met between this and the frontier, whether he was french, german, austrian, or pole."

"it has been terrible," julian agreed, "but at least we have the satisfaction of knowing that ney's corps d'armée has furnished a smaller share of stragglers than most of the others."

"that is true enough, but bad is the best, lad. some of our battalions are nearly all young soldiers, and i can't say much for their conduct, while the seven battalions of spaniards, wurtemburgers, and men from the duchy of baden have behaved shamefully, and i don't think that the four squadrons of polish cavalry have been any better. we have all been bad; there is no denying it; and never should we have conquered germany, crushed prussia, and forced austria to submit, had our armies behaved in the way they have done of late. napoleon would soon have put a stop to it then. he would have had one or two of the worst regiments drawn up, and would have decimated them as a lesson to the rest. now his orders seem to go for nothing. he has far too much on his mind to attend to such things, and the generals have been thinking so much of pressing on after the enemy that they have done nothing to see the orders carried into effect. it was the same sort of thing that drove the spaniards into taking to the mountains, and causing us infinite trouble and great loss of life. fortunately, here we are so strong that we need fear no reverse, but if a disaster occurred i tell you, jules, we should have good cause to curse the marauders who have converted these lazy peasants into desperate foes."

"i should think we ought not to lose many men in taking that town, sergeant. there seem to be no guns on the walls. we have the suburbs to cover our advance, and attacking them on all sides, as we shall do, we ought to force our way in without much trouble."

"it would seem so, lad; yes, it would seem so. but you know in spain it once cost us five days' fighting after we got inside a town. i allow it was not like this. the streets were narrow, the houses were of stone, and each house a fortress, while, as you can see from here, the streets are wide and at right angles to each other, and the houses of brick, and, i fancy, many of them of wood. still, knowing what the russians are, i would wager we shall not capture smolensk with a loss of less than ten thousand men, that is if they really defend it until the last."

the following day, the 16th of august, a cannonade was kept up against the walls by the french artillery, the russians replying but seldom. the next morning it was discovered that prince bagration had marched with his army from the hills on the other side of the river to take post on the main moscow road so as to prevent the position being turned by the advance of a portion of the french army by that route. during the night barclay had thrown two pontoon bridges across the river in addition to the permanent bridge. at daybreak a dropping fire broke out, for both davoust and ney had sent bodies of troops into the suburbs, which they had entered without opposition, and these now opened an irritating fire on the russians upon the wall. at eight o'clock the firing suddenly swelled into a roar. doctorow, the russian general in command of the troops in the town, made a sortie, and cleared the suburbs at the point of the bayonet. napoleon, believing that the russian army was coming out to attack him, drew up ney and davoust's troops in order of battle, with 70,000 infantry in the first line, supported by murat's 30,000 cavalry.

partial attacks were continued against the suburbs, but the russians obstinately maintained themselves there. finding that they showed no signs of advancing to attack him, napoleon at two o'clock gave orders for a general assault, and the whole of the french troops advanced against the suburbs. the attack of ney's corps was directed against the krasnoi suburb, which faced them, and against an advanced work known as the citadel. for two hours a terrible struggle went on. the russians defended all the suburbs with desperate tenacity, every house and garden was the scene of a fierce encounter, men fought with bayonet and clubbed muskets, the cannon thundered on the heights, and poniatowski established sixty guns on a hill on the french right, but a short distance from the river, and with these opened fire upon the bridges. it seemed that these must soon be destroyed, and the retreat of the russian troops in smolensk entirely cut off. in a short time, however, the russians on the other side of the river planted a number of guns on a rise of equal height to that occupied by poniatowski's artillery, and as their guns took his battery in flank, he was ere long forced to withdraw it from the hill.

smolensk

plan of the battle of smolensk.

it was only after two hours' fighting that the russians withdrew from the suburbs into the town itself, and as the bridges across the river had not suffered greatly from the fire of the great french battery, barclay sent prince eugene of wurtemberg across to reinforce the garrison. as soon as the russians retired into the town a hundred and fifty guns opened fire on the wall to effect a breach, and at five a desperate assault was made upon one of the gates, which was for a moment captured, but prince eugene charged forward with his division and recaptured it at the point of the bayonet. the french shell and grape swept the streets and set fire to the town in a score of places, and several of the wooden roofs of the towers upon the wall were also in flames. after a pause for a couple of hours the french again made a serious and desperate assault, but the russians sternly held their ground, and at seven o'clock made a sortie from behind the citadel, and drove the french out of the krasnoi suburb. at nine the cannonade ceased. the french fell back to the position from which they had moved in the morning, and the russians reoccupied the covered ways in front of the wall to prevent a sudden attack during the night.

"what did i tell you, jules?" the old sergeant said mournfully, when the shattered remains of the regiment fell out and proceeded to cook their food. "i said that the capture of that town would cost us 10,000 men. it has cost ney's corps alone half that number, and we have not taken it; and yet we fought well. had every man been as old a soldier as myself they could not have done their duty better. peste! these russians are obstinate brigands."

"it was desperate work," julian said, "more terrible than anything i could have imagined. how anyone escaped alive is more than i can say. every wall, every house seemed to be fringed with fire. i heard no word of command during the day; all there was to do was to load and fire—sometimes to rush forward when the rest did so, sometimes to fall back when the russians poured down upon us. shall we begin again to-morrow?"

"i suppose so," the sergeant replied. "we certainly sha'n't march away until we have taken it. perhaps the enemy may evacuate it. the whole town is a sea of flames; there is nothing to fight for, and next time we shall no doubt breach the walls thoroughly before we try. you see, we undervalued the russians, and we sha'n't make that mistake again. well, lad, we have both got out of it without serious damage, for that bullet you got through your arm will soon heal up again, but there is one thing, if you remain in the army for the next twenty years you are not likely to see harder fighting."

that night, indeed, smolensk was evacuated by the russians, contrary to the wishes of both officers and men, prince eugene and general doctorow declaring that they could hold on for ten days longer. this might doubtless have been done, but barclay was afraid that napoleon might sweep round and cross the river somewhere to his left, and that in that case he must fall back, and the town would have to be evacuated in the day time when the enemy could sweep the bridges with their fire. by three o'clock in the morning the whole force in the city had crossed, and the bridges were burnt behind them. the flames acquainted the french with the fact that the city had been evacuated, and at daybreak they entered the town, and soon afterwards their skirmishers opened fire on the russians on the other side of the river. at eight o'clock a spanish brigade crossed the river waist deep, and entered the suburb known as st. petersburg, on the right bank; but they were at once attacked; many were killed or taken prisoners, and the rest driven across the river again.

general barclay then withdrew his army to the heights, wishing to tempt the enemy to cross, intending to give them battle before all had made the passage; but napoleon kept his troops in hand, except that his artillery maintained a fire to the right against the russians. at eight o'clock in the evening some skirmishers crossed the river, and fires shortly broke out in st. petersburg, and in an hour several hundred houses, extending for a mile along the river, were in a blaze, while those in smolensk were still burning fiercely. at night the russians again fell back. the direct road lay parallel with the river, but as it was commanded by the enemy's guns general barclay directed the force, divided into two columns, to march by cross roads. these led over two steep hills, and, owing to the harness breaking, these roads soon became blocked, and the march was discontinued till daylight enabled the drivers to get the five hundred guns and the ammunition trains up the hills.

the french, finding that the russian army was going off, crossed the river in force and furiously attacked their rear-guard, and tried to penetrate between it and the main body of the army, but prince eugene's division was sent back to assist general korf, who commanded there. in the meantime two columns of the french moved along the main road to moscow with the evident intention of heading the russian army at loubino, the point where the cross road by which they were travelling came into it. this they might have accomplished owing to the much shorter distance they had to travel and the delays caused by the difficulty of getting the guns over the hills, but a small russian corps under touchkoff had been sent forward to cover that point. ney had crossed the river early by two bridges he had thrown over it, and touchkoff, as he saw this force pressing along the main road, took up a position where he covered loubino, and for some hours repulsed all the efforts of the french to pass.

at three o'clock the pressure upon touchkoff became so severe that several regiments from barclay's column, which was passing safely along while he kept the road open for them, were sent to his assistance, and the fight continued. napoleon believed that the whole russian force had taken post at loubino, and sent forward reinforcements to ney. the woods were so thick that it was some time before these reached him, the guns of one of the columns being obliged to go a mile and a half through a wood before they could turn, so dense was the growth of the trees. ney now pressed forward with such vigour that touchkoff was driven from his position in advance, upon the village itself, where he was again reinforced by four infantry battalions, two regiments of cavalry, and heavy guns. murat with his cavalry endeavoured to turn the russian left, but the two russian cavalry regiments, supported by their artillery, maintained their ground. soon after five o'clock the french had received such large reinforcements that the russians were forced to give way, and were in full retreat when barclay himself arrived upon the scene, and rallied them. the battle was renewed, and the last effort of the french was repulsed by a charge with the bayonet by the russian grenadiers.

in the charge, however, general touchkoff, by whose valour the russian army had been saved, was carried too far in advance of his men, and was taken prisoner. it was not until midnight that the rear of barclay's column emerged from the cross road, in which it had been involved for twenty-four hours. in this fight the french and russians lost about 6000 men each. had junot joined ney in the attack on touchkoff's force the greater part of the russian army must have been destroyed or made prisoners.

the russian army now pursued its march towards moscow unmolested save by some attacks by murat's cavalry. ney's corps d'armée had borne the brunt of the fighting at loubino, and had been diminished in strength by another 4000 men. in this battle, however, julian's regiment, having suffered so heavily in the attack at smolensk, was one of those held in reserve. napoleon was greatly disappointed at the escape of the russian army from his grasp. only 30,000 russians had been engaged both in the action in their rear and in that at loubino, while the whole of the french army round smolensk, with the exception of the corps of junot, had in vain endeavoured to break through the defence and to fall upon the main body of the army so helplessly struggling along the road.

in the attack on smolensk 12,000 of napoleon's best soldiers had fallen. loubino cost him 6000 more, and although these numbers were but small in proportion to the total strength of his army, they were exclusively those of french soldiers belonging to the divisions in which he placed his main trust. it was now a question with him whether he should establish himself for the winter in the country he occupied, accumulate stores, make smolensk a great dep?t that would serve as a base for his advance in the spring, or move on at once against moscow. on this point he held a council with his marshals. the opinion of these was generally favourable to the former course. the desperate fighting of the three previous days had opened their eyes to the fact that even so great a force as that led by napoleon could not afford to despise the russians. the country that was at present occupied was rich. there were so many towns that the army could go into comfortable quarters for the winter, and their communications with the frontier were open and safe. it was unquestionably the safer and more prudent course.

with these conclusions napoleon agreed in theory. it had originally been his intention to winter in the provinces that he had now overrun, and to march against st. petersburg or moscow in the spring. he had, however, other matters besides those of military expediency to consider. in the first place, the poles were exasperated at his refusal to re-establish at once their ancient kingdom, a refusal necessitated by the fact that he could not do so without taking from austria and prussia, his allies, the polish districts that had fallen to their share. then, too, the poles felt the terrible pressure of supporting the army still in poland, and of contributing to the vast expenses of the war, and were the campaign to continue long their attitude might change to one of open hostility. in the next place, the conclusion of peace, brought about by the efforts of england, between both sweden and turkey with russia, would enable the latter to bring up the whole of the forces that had been engaged in the south with the turks, and in the north watching the swedish frontier, and would give time for the new levies to be converted into good soldiers and placed in the field.

then, too, matters were going on badly in spain. he could place but little dependence upon austria, prussia, or germany. were he absent another year from france he might find these countries leagued against him. therefore, although recognizing the justice of the arguments of his marshals, he decided upon pushing on to moscow, and establishing himself there for the winter. he did not even yet recognize the stubbornness and constancy of the russian character, and believed that the spectacle of their ancient capital in his hands would induce them at once to treat for peace. the decision was welcome to the army. the general wish of the soldiers was to get the matter over, and to be off home again. the obstinacy with which the russians fought, the rapidity with which they marched, the intense animosity that had been excited among the peasants by the cruel treatment to which they had been exposed, the recklessness with which they threw away their lives so that they could but take vengeance for their sufferings, the ferocity with which every straggler or small detachment that fell into their hands was massacred—all these things combined to excite a feeling of gloom and anxiety among the soldiers.

there were no merry songs round the bivouac fires now; even the thought of the plunder of moscow failed to raise their spirits. the loss of so many tried comrades was greatly felt in ney's division. it had at first numbered over 40,000, and the losses in battle and from sickness had already reduced it by more than a fourth. even the veterans lost their usual impassive attitude of contentment with the existing state of things.

"what i don't like," growled one of the old sergeants, "is that there is not a soul in the villages, not a solitary man in the fields. it is not natural. one gets the same sort of feeling one has when a thunderstorm is just going to burst overhead. when it has begun you don't mind it, but while you are waiting for the first flash, the first clap of thunder, you get a sort of creepy feeling. that is just what the sight of all this deserted country makes me feel. i have campaigned all over europe, but i never saw anything like this."

a growl of assent passed round the circle, and there was a general repetition of the words, "it is not natural, comrade. even in spain," one said, "where they hate us like poison, the people don't leave their villages like this. the young men may go, but the old men and the women and children remain, and the priest is sure to stop. here there is not so much as a fowl to be seen in the streets. the whole population is gone—man, woman, and child."

"it makes one feel," another said gloomily, "as if we were accursed, infected with the plague, or something of that sort."

"well, don't let us talk about it," another said with an effort at cheerfulness. "there is jules, he is the merriest fellow in our company. come here, jules. we are all grumbling. what do you think of things?"

"i don't think much about them one way or the other," julian said as he came up. "we have not a great deal further to go to moscow, and the sooner we get there the better. then we shall have the satisfaction of seeing some people."

"yes, jules, that is what is vexing us, that everyone runs away at our approach."

"and no fools either," julian replied, "considering the villainous way in which they have been harried. even peasants have some feeling, and when they are treated like wild beasts they will turn. it seems to me that instead of ill-treating them we ought, with such a march as this before us, to have done everything in our power to show them that, although we were going to fight any armies that opposed us, we had no ill-feeling against the people at large. if they had found us ready to pay for everything we wanted, and to treat them as well as if they had been our own country people, there would have been no running away from us. then, as we advanced we could have purchased an abundant supply of food everywhere. we should have had no fear as to our communications, and might have wandered a hundred yards outside our sentries without the risk of having our throats cut. however, it is of no use going over these arguments again. the thing has been done and cannot be undone, and we have but to accept the consequences, and make the best of them. a man who burns a wood mustn't complain a month afterwards because he has no fuel. however, i hope that in another day or two we shall be moving on. as long as we are going there is no time to feel it dull; it is the halt, after being so long in motion, that gives us time to talk, and puts fancies into our heads. we did not expect a pleasure excursion when we started."