london was at a standstill. trade was entirely stopped. shopkeepers feared to open their doors on account of the fierce, hungry mobs parading the street. orators were haranguing the crowds in almost every open space. the police were either powerless, or feared to come into collision with the assembled populace. terror and blank despair were everywhere.
there was unrest night and day. the banks, head offices, and branches, unable to withstand the run upon[63] them when every one demanded to be paid in gold, had, by mutual arrangement, shut their doors, leaving excited and furious crowds of customers outside unpaid. financial ruin stared every one in the face. those who were fortunate enough to realise their securities on monday were fleeing from london south and westward. day and night the most extraordinary scenes of frantic fear were witnessed at paddington, victoria, waterloo, and london bridge. the southern railways were badly disorganised by the cutting of the lines by the enemy, but the great western system was, up to the present, intact, and carried thousands upon thousands to wales, to devonshire, and to cornwall.
in those three hot, breathless days the red hand of ruin spread out upon london.
the starving east met the terrified west, but in those moments the bonds of terror united class with mass. restaurants and theatres were closed; there was but little vehicular traffic in the streets, for of horses there were none, while the majority of the motor 'buses had been requisitioned, and the transit of goods had been abandoned. "the city," that great army of daily workers, both male and female, was out of employment, and swelled the idlers and gossips, whose temper and opinion were swayed each half-hour by the papers now constantly appearing night and day without cessation.
cabinet councils had been held every day, but their decisions, of course, never leaked out to the public. the king also held privy councils, and various measures were decided upon. parliament, which had been hurriedly summoned, was due to meet, and every one speculated as to the political crisis that must now ensue.
in st. james's park, in hyde park, in victoria park, on hampstead heath, in greenwich park—in fact, in each of the "lungs of london,"—great mass meetings were held, at which resolutions were passed condemning the administration and eulogising those who, at the first alarm, had so gallantly died in defence of their country.
it was declared that by the culpable negligence of the war office and the national defence committee we had laid ourselves open to complete ruin, both financially and as a nation.[64]
the man-in-the-street already felt the strain, for the lack of employment and the sudden rise in the price of everything had brought him up short. wives and families were crying for food, and those without savings and with only a few pounds put by looked grimly into the future and at the mystery it presented.
most of the papers published the continuation of the important story of mr. alexander, the mayor of maldon, which revealed the extent of the enemy's operations in essex and the strong position they occupied.
it ran as below:
"of the events of the early hours of the morning i have no very clear recollection. i was bewildered, staggered, dumbfounded by the sights and sounds which beset me. of what modern war meant i had till then truly but a very faint idea. to witness its horrid realities enacted in this quiet, out-of-the-way spot where i had pitched my tent for so many years, brought them home to me literally as well as metaphorically.
"i had run down cromwell hill, and seeing the flames of heybridge, was impelled to get nearer, if possible, to discover more particularly the state of affairs in that direction. but i was reckoning without the germans. when i got to the bridge over the river at the foot of the hill, the officer in charge there absolutely prevented my crossing. beyond the soldiers standing or kneeling behind whatever cover was offered by the walls and buildings abutting on the riverside, and a couple of machine guns placed so as to command the bridge and the road beyond, there was nothing much to see. a number of germans were, however, very busy in the big mill just across the river, but what they were doing i could not make out. as i turned to retrace my step the glare of the conflagration grew suddenly more and more intense. a mass of dark figures came running down the brightly illuminated road towards the bridge, while the rifle fire became louder, nearer, and heavier than ever. every now and again the air became alive with, as it were, the hiss and buzz of flying insects. the english must have fought their way through heybridge, and these must be the bullets from their rifles. it was dangerous to stay down there any longer, so i took to my heels. as i ran i heard a thundering explosion behind me, the shock of which nearly threw me to the ground. looking over my shoulder, i saw that the[65] germans had blown up the mill at the farther end of the bridge, and were now pushing carts from either side in order to barricade it. the two maxims, too, began to pump lead with their hammering reports, and the men near them commenced to fall in twos and threes. i made off to the left, and passed into high street by the end of st. peter's church, now disused. at the corner i ran against mr. clydesdale, the optician, who looks after the library which now occupies the old building. he pointed to the tower, which stood darkly up against the blood-red sky.
"'look at those infernal germans!' he said. 'they can't even keep out of that old place. i wish we could have got the books out before they came.'
"i could not see any of our invaders where he was pointing, but presently i became aware of a little winking, blinking light at the very summit of the tower.
"'that's them,' said clydesdale. 'they're making signals, i think. my boy says he saw the same thing on purleigh church tower last night. i wish it would come down with them, that i do. it's pretty shaky, anyway.'
"the street was fairly full of people. the germans, it is true, had ordered that no one should be out of doors between eight in the evening and six in the morning; but just now they appeared to have their hands pretty full elsewhere, and if any of the few soldiers that were about knew of or thought anything of the interdiction, they said nothing.
"the crash of a salvo of heavy guns from the direction of my own house interrupted him.
"'that'll be the guns in my garden,' i said.
"'yes, sir, and they've got three monstrous great ones in the opening between the houses just behind the church there,' said clydesdale.
"as he spoke, the guns in question bellowed out, one after the other.
"'look—look at the tower!' i cried.
"the light at the top had disappeared and the lofty edifice was swaying slowly, slowly, over to the left.
"'she's gone at last!' exclaimed clydesdale.
"it was true. down came the old steeple that had pointed heavenward for so many generations, with a mighty crash and concussion that swallowed up even the noise of the battle, though cannon of all sorts and sizes[66] were now joining in the hellish concert, and shell from the english batteries began to roar over the town. the vibration and shock of the heavy guns had been too much for the old tower, which, for years in a tottery condition, had been patched up so often.
"as soon as the cloud of dust cleared off we ran towards the huge pile of débris that filled the little churchyard. several other people followed. it was very dark down there, in the shadow of the trees and houses, despite the fire-light overhead, and we began striking matches as we looked about among the heaps of bricks and beams to see if there were any of the german signal party among them. why we should have taken the trouble under the circumstances i do not quite know. it was an instinctive movement of humanity on my part, and that of most of the others, i suppose.
"i caught sight of an arm in a light blue sleeve protruding from the débris, and took hold of it in a futile attempt to remove some of the bricks and rubbish which i thought were covering the body of its owner. to my horror, it came away in my hand. the body to which it belonged might be buried yards away in the immense heap of ruins. i dropped it with a cry, and fled from the spot.
"dawn was now breaking. i do not exactly remember where i wandered to after the fall of st. peter's tower, but it must have been between half-past five and six when i found myself on the high ground at the north-western corner of the town, overlooking the golf links, where i had spent so many pleasant hours in that recent past that now seemed so far away. all around me were batteries, trenches, and gun-pits. but though the firing was still going on somewhere away to the right, where heybridge poured black smoke skyward like a volcano, gun and howitzer were silent, and their attendant artillerymen, instead of being in cover behind their earthen parapets, were clustered on the top, watching intently something that was passing in the valley below them. so absorbed were they that i was able to creep up behind them, and also get a sight of what was taking place. and this is what i saw:
"over the railway bridge which spanned the river a little to the left were hurrying battalion after battalion of green and blue clad german infantry. they moved down the embankment after crossing, and continued[67] their march behind it. where the railway curved to the right and left, about half a mile beyond the bridge, the top of the embankment was lined with dark figures lying down and apparently firing, while over the golf course from the direction of beeleigh trotted squadron after squadron of sky-blue riders, their green and white lance pennons fluttering in the breeze. they crossed the blackwater and chelmer canal, and cantered off in the direction of langford rectory.
"at the same time i saw line after line of the germans massed behind the embankment spring over it and advance rapidly towards the lower portion of the town, just across the river. hundreds fell under the fire from the houses, which must have been full of englishmen, but one line after another reached the buildings. the firing was now heavier than ever—absolutely incessant and continuous—though, except for an occasional discharge from beyond heybridge, the artillery was silent.
"i have but little knowledge of military matters, but it was abundantly evident, even to me, that what i had just seen was a very formidable counter-attack on the part of the germans, who had brought up fresh troops either from the rear of the town or from farther inland, and launched them against the english under cover of the railway embankment. i was not able to see the end of the encounter, but bad news flies apace, and it soon became common knowledge in the town that our troops from colchester had not only failed to cross the river at any point, but had been driven helter-skelter out of the lower town near the station and from the smoking ruins of heybridge with great loss, and were now in full retreat.
"indeed, some hundreds of our khaki-clad fellow-countrymen were marched through the town an hour or two later as prisoners, to say nothing of the numbers of wounded, who, together with those belonging to the germans, soon began to crowd every available building suitable for use as an hospital. the wounded prisoners with their escort went off towards mundon, and are reported to have gone in the direction of steeple. it was altogether a disastrous day, and our hopes, which had begun to rise when the british had penetrated into the northern part of the town, now fell below zero.
"it was a black day for us, and for england. during[68] the morning the same officer who had captured me on the golf course came whirling into maldon on a 24-h.p. mercedes car. he drove straight up to my house, and informed me that he had orders to conduct me to prince henry, who was to be at purleigh early in the afternoon.
"'was it in connection with the skirmish with the volunteers?' i asked.
"'i don't know,' was the reply. 'but i don't fancy so. in the meantime, could i write here for an hour or two?' he asked politely. 'i have much to write to my friends in germany, and have not had a minute up to now.'
"i was very glad to be able to oblige the young man in such a small way, and left him in my study till midday, very busy with pens, ink, and paper.
"after a makeshift of a lunch, the car came round, and we got into the back seat. in front sat his orderly and the chauffeur, a fierce-looking personage in a semi-military uniform. we ran swiftly down the high street, and in a few minutes were spinning along the purleigh road, where i saw much that amazed me. i then for the first time realised how absolutely complete were the german plans."
"tuesday, september 4.
"about six o'clock this morning i awoke rather suddenly. the wind had gone round to the northward, and i was certain that heavy firing was going on somewhere in that direction. i opened the window and looked out. the 'thud' and rumble of a cannonade, with the accompaniment of an occasional burst of musketry, came clearly and loudly on the wind from the hills by wickham bishops village. the church spire was in plain view, and little faint puffs and rings of grey smoke were just visible in its vicinity every now and again, sometimes high up in the air, at others among the trees at its base. they were exploding shells; i had no doubt of that. what was going on it was impossible to say, but i conjectured that some of our troops from colchester had come into collision with the germans, who had gone out in that direction the day of their arrival. the firing continued for about an hour, and then died away.
"soon after eight, count von ohrendorff, the general officer commanding the 32nd division, who appeared to[69] be the supreme authority here, sent for me, and suggested that i should take steps to arrange for the manufacture of lint and bandages by the ladies living in the town. i could see no reason for objecting to this, and so promised to carry out his suggestion. i set about the matter at once, and, with the assistance of my wife, soon had a couple of score of more or less willing workers busily engaged in the national schoolroom. in the meantime the roll of a terrible cannonade had burst forth again from wickham bishops. it seemed louder and more insistent than ever. as soon as i got away from the schools i hurried home and climbed out on the roof. the top of the moot hall and other coigns of vantage had all been occupied by the germans. however, with the aid of a pair of field-glasses i was able to see a good bit. black smoke was now pouring from wickham bishops in clouds, and every now and again i fancied i could see the forked tongues of flame shooting up above the surrounding trees. a series of scattered black dots now came out on the open ground to the south of the church. the trees of eastland wood soon hid them from my sight, but others followed, mingled with little moving black blocks which i took to be formed bodies of troops. after them came four or five guns, driven at breakneck pace towards the road that passes between eastland and captain's woods, then more black dots, also in a desperate hurry. several of these last tumbled, and lay still here and there all over the slope.
"other dots followed at their heels. they were not quite so distinct. i looked harder. hurrah! they were men in khaki. we were hustling these germans at last. they also disappeared behind the woods. then from the fringe of trees about wickham half a dozen big brilliant flashes, followed after an interval by the loud detonation of heavy cannon. i could not distinguish much more, though the rattle of battle went on for some time longer. soon after eleven four german guns galloped in from heybridge. these were followed by a procession of maimed and limping humanity. some managed to get along unaided, though with considerable difficulty. others were supported by a comrade, some carried between two men, and others borne along on stretchers. a couple of ambulance carts trotted out and picked up more wounded. our bandages and lint had not long to[70] wait before being required. after this there was a cessation of firing.
"about one o'clock the german general sent word to me that he thought an attack quite possible during the afternoon, and that he strongly advised me to get all the women and children out of the town—for the time being at any rate. this was evidently well meant, but it was a pretty difficult matter to arrange for, to say nothing of raising a panic among the inhabitants. however, in an hour and a half's time i had contrived to marshal several hundred of them together, and to get them out on the road to mundon. the weather was warm for the time of the year, and i thought, if the worst came to the worst, they could spend the night in the old church. i left the sad little column of exiles—old, bent women helped along by their daughters, tiny children dragged along through the dust, clutching their mothers' skirts; infants in arms; and other older and sturdier children staggering beneath the weight of the most precious home adornments—and made the best of my way back to arrange for the forwarding to them of their rations.
"at every step on my homeward way i expected to hear the cannonade begin again. but beyond the twittering of the birds in the trees and hedgerows, the creak and rumble of a passing cart, and the rush of a train along the railway on my left—just the usual sounds of the countryside—nothing broke the stillness. as i stepped out on the familiar highway, i could almost bring myself to believe that the events of the past twenty-four hours were but the phantasmagoria of a dream. after interviewing some of the town councillors who were going to undertake the transport of provisions to the women and children at mundon, i walked round to my own house.
"my wife and family had driven over to purleigh on the first alarm, and had arranged to stay the night with some friends, on whatever shake-downs could be improvised, since every house in the peninsula harboured some of the ubiquitous german officers and men. i wandered through the familiar rooms, and came out into the garden, or rather, what had been the garden. there i saw that the saxon gunners were all standing to their pieces, and one of my none too welcome guests accosted me as i left the house.[71]
"'if you'll take my advice, sare, you'll get away out of this,' he said in broken english.
"'what! are you going to fire?' i asked.
"'i don't fancy so. it wouldn't hurt you if we were. but i think your english friends from colchester are about to see if they can draw us.'
"as he spoke i became aware of a sharp, hissing noise like a train letting off steam. it grew louder and nearer, passed over our heads, and was almost instantly followed by a terrible crash somewhere behind the house. a deeper and more muffled report came up from the valley beyond heybridge.
"'well, they've begun now, and the best thing you can do is to get down into that gun epaulment there,' said the german officer.
"i thought his advice was good, and i lost no time in following it.
"'here comes another!' cried he, as he jumped down into the pit beside me. 'we'll have plenty of them now.'
"so we did. shell after shell came hissing and screaming at us over the tree-tops in the gardens lower down the hill. each one of them sounded to me as if it were coming directly at my head, but one after another passed over us to burst beyond. the gunners all crouched close to the earthen parapet—and so did i. i am not ashamed to say so. my german officer, however, occasionally climbed to the top of the embankment and studied the prospect through his field-glasses. at length there was a loud detonation, and a column of dirt and smoke in the garden next below us. then two shells struck the parapet of the gun-pit on our left almost simultaneously. their explosion was deafening, and we were covered with the dust and stones they threw up.
"immediately afterwards another shell passed so close over our heads that i felt my hair lift. it just cleared the parapet and plunged into the side of my house. a big hole appeared just to the right of the dining-room window, and through it came instantaneously the loud bang of the explosion. the glass was shattered in all the windows, and thick smoke, white and black, came curling from every one of them.
"'the house is on fire!' i shouted, and sprang madly from the pit. heedless of the bombardment, i rushed[72] into the building. another crash sounded overhead as i entered, and a blaze of light shone down the stairway for an instant. another projectile had found a billet in my home. i tried to make my way to my study, but found the passage blocked with fallen beams and ceiling. what with the smoke and dust, and the blocking of some of the windows, it was very dark in the hall, and i got quite a shock when, as i looked about me to find my way, i saw two red, glittering specks shining over the top of a heap of débris. but the howl that followed told me that they were nothing but the eyes of miserable tim, the cat, who, left behind, had been nearly frightened out of his senses by the noise and concussion of the bursting shell. as i gazed at him another projectile struck the house quite close to us. tim was simply smashed by a flying fragment. i was thrown down, and half-buried under a shower of bricks and mortar. i think that i must have lost consciousness for a time.
"the next thing i recollect was being dragged out into the garden by a couple of saxons. i had a splitting headache, and was very glad of a glass of water that one of them handed to me. their officer, who appeared to be quite a decent fellow, offered me his flask.
"'the house is all right,' he said, with his strong accent. 'it caught fire once, but we managed to get it under. your friends have cleared off—at any rate for the present. they got too bold at last, and pushed their guns down till they got taken in the flank by the warship in the river. they had two of their pieces knocked to bits, and then cleared out. best thing you can do is to do the same.'
"i was in two minds. i could not save the house by staying, and might just as well join my people at purleigh rectory. on the other hand, i felt that it would better become me, as mayor, to stick to the town. duty triumphed, and i decided to remain where i was—at least for the present. all was now quiet, and after an early supper i turned in, and, despite the excitement of the day and my aching head, was asleep the moment i touched the pillow."
"wednesday, september 5.
"it must have been about three in the morning when i awoke. my head was much better, and for a minute or[73] two i lay comfortably in the darkness, without any recollection of the events of the preceding day. then i saw a bright reflection pass rapidly over the ceiling. i wondered vaguely what it was. presently it came back again, paused a moment, and disappeared. by this time i was wide awake. i went to the window and looked out. it was quite dark, but from somewhere over beyond heybridge a long white ray was sweeping all along this side of maldon. now the foliage of a tree in the garden below would stand out in pale green radiance against the blackness; now the wall of a house half a mile away would reflect back the moving beam, shining white as a sheet of notepaper.
"presently another ray shone out, and the two of them, moving backwards and forwards, made the whole of our hillside caper in a dizzy dance. from somewhere far away to my right another stronger beam now streamed through the obscurity, directed apparently at the sources of the other two, and almost simultaneously came the crack of a rifle from the direction of heybridge, sharp and ominous in the quiet darkness of the night. half a dozen scattered shots followed; then a faint cheer. more and more rifles joined in, and presently the burring tap-tap-tap of a maxim. i hurried on my clothes. the firing increased in volume and rapidity; bugles rang out here, there, and everywhere through the sleeping town, and above the rolling, rattling clamour of the drums i could distinguish the hurried tramp of hundreds of feet.
"i cast one glance from the window as i quitted the room. the electric searchlights had increased to at least half a dozen. some reached out long, steady fingers into the vague spaces of the night, while others wandered restlessly up and down, hither and thither. low down over the trees of the garden a dull red glare slowly increased in extent and intensity. the rattle of musketry was now absolutely continuous. as i ran out of the house into the street, i was nearly carried off my feet by the rush of a battalion that was pouring down cromwell hill at the double. hardly knowing what i did, i followed in their wake. the glare in front got brighter and brighter. a few steps, and i could see the cause of it. the whole of heybridge appeared to be on fire, the flames roaring skywards from a dozen different conflagrations."[74]
england halted breathless. fighting had commenced in real earnest.
the greatest consternation was caused by the publication in the "times" of the description of the operations in essex, written by mr. henry bentley, the distinguished war correspondent, who had served that journal in every campaign since kitchener had entered khartum.
all other papers, without exception, contained various accounts of the british defence at the point nearest london, but they were mostly of the scrappy and sensational order, based more on report than upon actual fact. the "times" account, however, had been written with calm impartiality by one of the most experienced correspondents at the front. whether he had been afforded any special facilities was not apparent, but, in any case, it was the most complete and truthful account of the gallant attempt on the part of our soldiers to check the advance from essex westward.
during the whole of that hot, stifling day it was known that a battle was raging, and the excitement everywhere was intense.
the public were in anxious terror as the hours crept by, until the first authentic news of the result of the operations was printed in a special evening edition of the "times," as follows:
"(from our war correspondent.)
"danbury, essex, september 8.
"to-day has been a momentous one for england. the great battle has raged since dawn, and though just at present there seems to be a lull, during which the opposing forces are, so to speak, regaining their breath, it can be by no means over.
"dead and living alike will lie out on the battlefield the whole night through, for we must hold on to the positions so hardly won, and be ready to press forward at the first glimmer of daylight. our gallant troops, regular and volunteers alike, have nobly vindicated the traditions of our race, and have fought as desperately as ever did their forebears at agincourt, albuera, or waterloo. but while a considerable success—paid for, alas! by the loss of thousands of gallant lives—has been achieved, it will take at least another day's hard fighting before victory is in our grasp. nowadays a soldier need [75]not expect to be either victorious or finally defeated by nightfall, and although this battle, fought as it is between much smaller forces, and extending over a much more limited area, than the great engagement between the russians and japanese at liaoyang, will not take quite so long a time to decide, the end is not yet in sight. i wrote this after a hard day's travelling backwards and forwards behind our advancing line of battle.
"i took my cycle with me in my motor-car, and whenever opportunity offered mounted it, and pushed forward as near to the fighting as i could get. frequently i had to leave the cycle also, and crawl forward on hands and knees, sheltering in some depression in the ground, while the enemy's bullets whined and whistled overhead. as reported in a previous issue, the army which had assembled at brentwood moved forward on the 5th.
"during the afternoon the advanced troops succeeded in driving the enemy out of south hanningfield, and before sundown they were also in full retreat from the positions they had held at east hanningfield and danbury. there was some stiff fighting at the latter place, but after a pounding from the artillery, who brought several batteries into action on the high ground north-west of east hanningfield, the germans were unable to withstand the attack of the argyll and sutherlands and the london scottish, who worked their way through danbury park and hall wood right into their position, driving them from their entrenchments by a dashing bayonet charge. everything north and east of the enemy's main position, which is now known to lie north and south, between maldon and the river crouch, was now in our hands, but his troops still showed a stout front at wickford, and were also reported to be at rayleigh, hockley, and canewdon, several miles to the eastward. all preparations were made to assault the german position at wickford at daybreak to-day, but our scouts found that the place had been evacuated. the news that rayleigh and hockley had also been abandoned by the enemy came in shortly afterwards. the german invaders had evidently completed their arrangements for the defence of their main position, and now said, in effect, 'come on, and turn us out if you can.'
"it was no easy task that lay before our gallant defenders. maldon, perched on a high knoll, with a network of river and canal protecting it from assault from [76]the northward, fairly bristles with guns, many of them heavy field howitzers, and has, as we know to our cost, already repulsed one attack by our troops. farther south there are said to be many guns on the knolls about purleigh. great canney hill, standing boldly up like an immense redoubt, is reported to be seamed with entrenchments mounting many heavy guns. the railway embankment south of maldon forms a perfect natural rampart along part of the enemy's position, while the woods and enclosures south-west of great canney conceal thousands of sharpshooters. a sort of advanced position was occupied by the enemy at edwin hall, a mile east of woodham ferrers, where a pair of high kopjes a quarter of a mile apart offered command and cover to some of their field batteries.
"our scouts have discovered also that an elaborate system of wire entanglements and other military obstacles protects almost the whole front of the somewhat extensive german position. on its extreme left their line is said to be thrown back at an angle, so that any attempt to outflank it would not only entail crossing the river crouch, but would come under the fire of batteries placed on the high ground overlooking it. altogether, it is a very tough nut to crack, and the force at our disposal none too strong for the work that lies before it.
"further detail regarding our strength would be inadvisable for obvious reasons, but when i point out that the germans are supposed to be between thirty and forty thousand strong, and that it is laid down by competent military authorities that to attack troops in an entrenched position a superiority of six to one is advisable, my readers can draw their own conclusions.
"the repairs to the railway line between brentwood and chelmsford, that had been damaged by the enemy's cavalry on their first landing, were completed yesterday, and all night reinforcements had been coming in by way of chelmsford and billericay. the general headquarters had been established at danbury, and, thither i made my way as fast as my car could get along the roads, blocked as they were by marching horse, foot, and artillery. i had spent the night at south hanningfield, so as to be on the spot for the expected attack on wickford; but as soon as i found it was not to come off, i considered that at danbury would be the best chance of finding out what our next move was to be.
[77]
"nor was i mistaken. as i ran up to the village i found the roads full of troops under arms, and everything denoted action of some kind. i was lucky enough to come across a friend of mine on the staff—captain b——, i will call him—who spared a moment to give me the tip that a general move forward was commencing, and that a big battle was imminent. danbury is situated on the highest ground for many miles round, and as it bid fair to be a fine, clear day, i thought i could not do better than try and get a general look round from the summit of the church tower before proceeding farther. but i was informed that the general was up there with some of his staff and a signalling party, so that i could not ascend.
"my pass, however, eventually procured me admission to the little platform, which, by the way, the general left a moment after my arrival. it was now eight o'clock, the sun was fairly high in the heavens, and the light mists that hung about the low ground in the vicinity of maldon were fast fading into nothingness. the old town was plainly distinguishable as a dark silhouette against the morning light, which, while it illumined the panorama spread out before me, yet rendered observation somewhat difficult, since it shone almost directly into my eyes. however, by the aid of my glasses i was able to see something of the first moves on the fatal chess-board where so many thousands of lives are staked on the bloody game of war.
"i noticed among other things that the lessons of the recent war in the east had not passed unobserved, for in all the open spaces on the eastern slope of the hill, where the roads were not screened by trees or coppices, lofty erections of hurdles and greenery had been placed overnight to hide the preliminary movements of our troops from the glasses of the enemy. under cover of these, regiment after regiment of khaki-clad soldiers, batteries of artillery and ammunition carts, were proceeding to their allotted posts down the network of roads and lanes leading to the lower ground towards the south-east. two battalions stood in quarter column behind thrift wood. they were kilted corps, probably the argylls and the london scottish. several field batteries moved off to the left towards woodham walter. other battalions took up their position behind hyde woods, farther away to the right, the last of them, the grenadier [78]guards, i fancy, passing behind them and marching still farther southward.
"finally, two strong battalions, easily recognised as marines by their blue war-kit, marched rapidly down the main road and halted presently behind woodham mortimer place. all this time there was neither sight nor sound of the enemy. the birds carolled gaily in the old elms round my eyrie, the sparrows and martins piped and twittered in the eaves of the old church, and the sun shone genially on hill and valley, field and wood. to all appearance, peace reigned over the countryside, though the dun masses of troops in the shadows of the woodlands were suggestive of the autumn man?uvres. but for all this the 'real thing' was upon us. as i looked, first one, then another long and widely scattered line of crouching men in khaki issued from the cover of hyde woods and began slowly to move away towards the east. then, and not till then, a vivid violet-white flash blazed out on the dim grey upland five miles away to the south-east, which had been pointed out to me as great canney, and almost at once a spout of earth and smoke sprang up a little way ahead of the advancing british. a dull boom floated up on the breeze, but was drowned in an ear-splitting crash somewhere close to me. i felt the old tower rock under the concussion, which i presently discovered came from a battery of at least six big 4·7 guns established just outside the churchyard.
"they were manned by a party of bluejackets, who had brought them over from chatham. the movement i saw developing below me was the first step towards what i eventually discovered was our main objective—purleigh.
"could we succeed in establishing ourselves there, we should be beyond effective range from maldon, and should also take great canney in reverse, as well as the positions on the refused left flank of the enemy. maldon, too, would be isolated. purleigh, therefore, was the key of the position. our first move was in this direction. the scouts were picked men from the line battalions, but the firing lines were composed of volunteers and, in some cases, militiamen. it was considered more politic to reserve the regulars for the later stages of the attack. the firing from canney, and afterwards from purleigh, was at first at rather too long a range to be effective, even from the heavy guns that were in use, [79]and later on the heavy long-range fire from 'bloody mary' and her sisters at danbury, and other heavy guns and howitzers in the neighbourhood of east hanningfield, kept it down considerably, although the big, high-explosive shells were now and again most terribly destructive to the advancing british.
"when, however, the firing line—which as yet had not been near enough to fire a shot in reply—arrived in the neighbourhood of loddard's hill, its left came under a terrible rifle fire from hazeleigh wood, while its right and centre were all but destroyed by a tornado of shrapnel from some german field batteries to the north of purleigh. though dazed and staggered under the appalling sleet of projectiles, the volunteers stuck doggedly to their ground, though unable to advance. line after line was pushed forward, the men stumbling and falling over the thickly-scattered bodies of their fallen comrades.
"it was a perfect holocaust. some other card must be played at once, or the attack must fail."
the second of mr. henry bentley's descriptive articles in the "times" told a terrible truth, and was as follows:
"(from our war correspondent.)
"chelmsford, september 7.
"when i sent off my despatch by motor-car last night, it was with very different feelings to those with which i take my pen in hand this evening, in the saracen's head hotel, which is the headquarters of my colleagues, the correspondents.
"last night, despite the hard fighting and the heavy losses we had sustained, the promise of the morrow was distinctly a good one. but now i have little heart with which to commence the difficult and unpleasant task of chronicling the downfall of all our high hopes, the repulse—ay, and the defeat—it is no use mincing matters—of our heroic and sorely tried army.
"yes, our gallant soldiers have sustained a reverse which, but for their stubborn fighting qualities and a somewhat inexplicable holding back on the part of the germans, might very easily have culminated in disaster. defeat although it undoubtedly is, the darkness of the gloomy outlook is illuminated by the brilliancy of the conduct of our troops.
[80]
"from general down to the youngest volunteer drummer boy, our brave soldiers did all, and more, than could be humanly expected of them, and on none of them can be laid the blame of our ill-success. the plan of attack is agreed on all hands to have been as good a one as could have been evolved; the officers led well, their men fought well, and there was no running short of ammunition at any period of the engagement.
"'who, then, was responsible?' it may well be asked. the answer is simple. the british public, which, in its apathetic attitude towards military efficiency, aided and abetted by the soothing theories of the extremists of the 'blue water' school, had, as usual, neglected to provide an army fitted to cope in numbers and efficiency with those of our continental neighbours. had we had a sufficiency of troops, more especially of regular troops, there is not the slightest doubt that the victory would have been ours. as it was, our general was obliged to attack the enemy's position with a force whose numbers, even if they had been all regular soldiers, were below those judged necessary by military experts for the task in hand.
"having broken through the german lines, success was in his grasp had he had sufficient reinforcements to have established him in the position he had won, and to beat back the inevitable counter-attack. but it is best that i should continue my account of the fighting from the point at which i closed my letter of yesterday. i had arrived at the checking of our advance near loddard's hill by the blast of shrapnel from the german field batteries. it was plain that the volunteer brigade, though it held its ground, could not advance farther. but, unnoticed by them, the general had been preparing for this eventuality.
"on the left the two battalions of marines that i noticed drawn up behind woodham mortimer place suddenly debouched on loddard's hill, and, carrying forward with them the débris of the volunteer firing line, hurled themselves into hazeleigh wood. there was a sanguinary hand-to-hand struggle on the wire-entangled border, but the newcomers were not to be denied, and, after a quarter of an hour's desperate mêlée, which filled the sylvan glades with moaning and writhing wounded and stark dead bodies, we remained masters of the [81]wood, and even obtained a footing on the railway line where it adjoins it.
"simultaneously a long line of our field batteries came into action near woodham mortimer, some trying to beat down the fire of the german guns opposite, while others replied to a battery which had been established near west maldon station to flank the railway, and which was now beginning to open on hazeleigh wood. the latter were assisted by a battery of 4·7 guns manned by volunteers, which took up a position behind woodham walter. the firing on great canney from our batteries at east hanningfield redoubled, the whole summit of the hill being at times obscured by the clouds of smoke and débris from the explosions of the big, high-explosive projectiles.
"the main firing line, continually fed from the rear, now began slowly to gain ground, and when the grenadiers and the irish guards, who had managed to work up through the series of plantations that run eastwards for nearly two miles from woodham hall without drawing any particular attention from the busily engaged enemy, came into action on the right, there was a distinct move forward. but the defence was too stubborn, and about midday the whole line again came to a standstill, its left still in hazeleigh wood, its right at prentice farm. orders were passed that the men should try to entrench themselves as best they could, and spades and other tools were sent forward to those corps who were not provided with them already.
"here we must leave the main attack to notice what was going on elsewhere. on the north the colchester garrison again brought their heavy artillery into action on the slopes south of wickham bishops, while others of our troops made a show of advancing against maldon from the west. these movements were, however, merely intended to keep the german garrison occupied. but on the right a rather important flanking movement was in progress.
"we had a considerable body of troops at east hanningfield, which lies in a hollow between two little ridges, both running from south-west to north-east, and about a mile apart. the most easterly ridge is very narrow for the most part, and behind it were stationed several batteries of our field howitzers, which fired over it at great canney at a range of about 5,000 yards. a [82]number of 4·7-inch guns, scattered over the western hill, were also concentrated on the same target. although the range was an extremely long one, there is no doubt that they made a certain number of effective hits, since great canney offered a conspicuous and considerable target. but beyond this the flashes of their discharges drew off all attention from the howitzer batteries in front of them, and served to conceal their presence from the enemy. otherwise, although invisible, their presence would have been guessed at. as it was, not a single german projectile came anywhere near them.
"when the fighting began, those troops who were not intended to be held in reserve or to co-operate with the right of the main attack moved off in the direction of woodham ferrers, and made a feint of attacking the german position astride the two kopjes at edwin's hall, their field guns coming into action on the high ground north of rettendon, and engaging those of the enemy at long range. but the real attack on this salient of the german position came from a very different quarter.
"the troops detailed for this movement were those who had advanced against wickford at daybreak, and had found it abandoned by the enemy. they consisted of the oxfordshire light infantry, the honourable artillery company, and the inns of court volunteers, together with their own and three or four other machine-gun detachments, their maxims being mounted on detachable legs instead of carriages. co-operating with them were the essex and the east kent yeomanry, who were scouting in the direction of hockley.
"the troops had a long, wearisome march before them, the design being to take advantage of the time of low tide, and to move along out of sight of the enemy behind the northern bank of the river crouch, as it had been discovered that the german line of defence turned back to the eastward at a mile or two north of the river at the point aimed at. its guns still commanded it, and might be trusted to render abortive any attempt to throw a bridge across it. the yeomanry had the task of occupying the attention of the enemy at canewdon, and of preventing the passage of boats from the german warships. this part of our operations succeeded admirably. the long creeping lines of the oxfordshires and the machine-gun detachments in their khaki uniforms were almost indistinguishable against the steep mud [83]banks at any distance, and they escaped observation both from the german main lines and from their outpost at canewdon until they had reached the entrances of the two branch creeks for which they were making.
"then, and not till then, came the sound of artillery from the left rear of the german position. but it was too late. the oxford companies pushed forward at the double. five companies lined the embankments of stow creek, the easternmost of the two, while the remainder, ensconced in clementsgreen creek, aligned the whole of their machine-guns on the southern of the two kopjes against which the man?uvre had been directed. their fire, which, coming from a little to the rear of the left flank of the southern kopje, completely enfiladed it, created such slaughter and confusion that the honourable artillery company and the inns of court, who had been working up the railway line from battle bridge, had little difficulty in establishing themselves at woodham ferrers station and in an adjacent farm. being almost immediately afterwards reinforced by the arrival of two regular battalions who had been pushed forward from rettendon, a determined assault was made on the southern kopje. its defenders, demoralised by the pelting shower of lead from the machine-gun battery, and threatened also by the advance from woodham ferrers village, gave way, and our people, forcing their way over every obstacle, seized the position amid frantic cheering.
"meanwhile the oxfordshires had been subjected to a determined counter-attack from north frambridge. preceded by a pounding from the guns on kit's hill, but aided by the fire of the yeomanry on the south bank of the river, who galloped up and lined the embankment, thus flanking the defenders of stow creek, it was beaten back with considerable loss. the machine-guns were transferred to the neighbourhood of south kopje, and used with such effect that its defenders, after repulsing several counter-attacks from the adjoining german entrenchment, were able to make themselves masters of the north kopje also.
"elsewhere the fighting still continued strenuous and deadly. the main attack had contrived to make some little shelter for itself; but though three several attempts were made to advance from this, all ended in failure, one nearly in disaster. this was the last of the three, when the advancing line was charged by a mass of [84]cavalry which suddenly appeared from behind great canney hill. i myself was a witness of this attack, the most picturesque incident of the day's fighting.
"i was watching the progress of the engagement through my glasses from the high ground about wickham's farm, when i saw line after line of the german horsemen in their sky-blue tunics and glittering helmets trot out into the open, canter, and one after another break into a mad gallop, as they bore down upon the advancing lines of our citizen soldiers. staunchly as these had withstood the murderous fire which for hours had been directed upon them, this whirlwind of lance and sabre, the thunder of thousands of hoofs, and the hoarse cries of the riders, were rather more than such partially trained soldiers could stand. a scattering discharge from their rifles was followed by something very much approaching a sauve qui peut.
"a large number of volunteers, however, sought shelter among the ruined houses of cock clarke's hamlet, from whence they opened a heavy fire on the adventurous horsemen. the argyll and sutherland highlanders, who were by this time in mosklyns copse, and the guards and other troops on the right, also opened a rapid and sustained fire on the german cavalry, which seconded by the shrapnel from our guns on loddard's hill, caused them to turn and ride back for their lives. there was a tremendous outburst of firing from both sides after this, followed by quite a lull. one could well imagine that all the combatants were exhausted by the prolonged effort of the day. it was now between five and six in the evening. it was at this time that the news of the capture of the two kopjes reached me, and i made for danbury to write my despatches.
"shortly after my arrival i heard of the capture of spar hill, a detached knoll about 1,200 yards to the north-west of purleigh. the marines from hazeleigh wood and the highlanders from mosklyns copse had suddenly and simultaneously assaulted it from opposite sides, and were now entrenching themselves upon it. what wonder, then, that i reported satisfactory progress, and reckoned—too confidently, as it proved—on a victory for the morrow?
"i spent a great part of that night under the stars on the hilltop near east hanningfield, watching the weird play of the searchlights which swept over the country [85]from a score of different positions, and listening to the crash of artillery and clatter of rifle fire which now and again told of some attempted movement under cover of the darkness. just before daylight the continuous roar of battle began again, and when light dawned i found that our troops had cut right through the german lines, and had penetrated as far as cop kitchen's farm, on the maldon-mundon road. reinforcements were being hurried up, and an attack was being pushed towards the rear of purleigh and great canney, which was being heavily bombarded by some of our large guns, which had been mounted during the night on the two kopjes.
"but the reinforcements were not enough. the germans held fast to purleigh and to some reserve positions they had established about mundon. after two or three hours of desperate effort, costing the lives of thousands, our attack was at a standstill. at this critical moment a powerful counter-attack was made from maldon, and, outnumbered and almost surrounded, our gallant warriors had to give ground. but they fell back as doggedly as they had advanced, the argylls, marines, and grenadiers covering the retreat on danbury.
"the guns at east hanningfield and the two kopjes checked the pursuit to a great extent, and the germans seemed unwilling to go far from their works. the kopjes had to be abandoned later in the day, and we now occupy our former line from danbury to billericay, and are busily engaged in entrenching ourselves."