ii

but the act which most wounded him occurred at the elswick works of lord armstrong. mr. cowen was returning one day in his carriage at a time of political excitement. some of the crowd threw mud upon his coach, and, if i remember rightly, broke the windows. just before, when the workmen were on strike, they went to mr. cowen—as all workmen in difficulties did. he found they did not know their own case, nor how to put it he employed legal aid to look into the whole matter and make a statement of it. mr. cowen became their negotiator, and obtained a decision in their favour. the whole expense he incurred on their behalf was ￡150. services of this kind, which had been oft rendered, should have saved him from public contumely at their hands.

at that time mr. cowen was giving the support of his paper against liberalism, which he had so long defended and commended, which was an incentive to the outrage. still, the sense of gratitude for the known services rendered to workers, which he continued irrespective of his change of opinion, should have saved him from all personal disrespect.

the subjection of the liberals in newcastle in the days of his early career, and the arrogant defamation with which it was assailed, were what determined him to create a defiant power in its self-defence.

he bought the newcastle chronicle, an old whig paper. he published it in grey street, afterwards in st. nicholas' buildings, and then in stephenson place, on premises now known as the chronicle buildings. the printing machines at first cost ￡250 each, then ￡450. the chronicle buildings were purchased for ￡6,000, and a similar sum was expended in adapting them for their new purposes. the site is the finest in newcastle. the printing machines now cost ￡6,000 to ￡7,000. each machine is provided in duplicate, so that if one side of the press-room broke down, the other side could be instantly set in motion. once i made a short speech in the town, which was reported, set up, cast, and an edition of the paper containing the speech was on sale within little more than twenty minutes. the office above the great press-room, in which the public transact business with the paper, is the costliest, handsomest, grecian interior i know of connected with any newspaper buildings. what perseverance and confidence must have animated mr. cowen in the enterprise, is shown in the fact that he had sunk ￡40,000 in it before it began to pay.* he made the chronicle, as he intended to make it, the leading political power in durham and northumberland. the leaders he wrote in its columns after he left parliament were unequalled in all the press of england for vividness, eloquence, and variety of thought. there could be no greater proof of the dominancy of mr. cowen's mind, than his establishment and devotion to the chronicle.

i had been a party several years to negotiating with candidates to stand for newcastle, whose public expenses mr. cowen paid. i obtained the consent of the liberals of york, that mr. layard, whom they considered pledged to them, should become a candidate at newcastle. "why should you?" i said one day to mr. cowen, "incur these repeated costs for the candidature of others, when you can command a seat in your own family for three generations. if you will not be a candidate, why should not your father?" the conversation ended by his agreeing that i might persuade his father to go to parliament if i could.

* unwilling that his father or banker should surmise how

much he was exhausting his personal resources, he directed

me at one time to borrow ￡500 or ￡1,000 in london. it was

advanced by a personal friend.

it was in vain that i assured him that the seat was open to him, but he did not believe, nor wish to believe it. i several times saw his father at stella hall. he thought himself too old. i told him there were fifty gentlemen in the house of commons, willing to become prime minister, and some of them waiting for the appointment, who were fifteen years older than he, and would be disappointed did not the chance come to them. he found this true when he at length entered the house. his objection was that he could not ask his neighbours, among whom he had lived all his days, to elect him. "suppose they signed an undertaking to vote for you in case you came forward?" that he consented to consider. a requisition signed by 2,178 electors was sent to him. then another difficulty arose. his son said: "i cannot support my father in the chronicle."* then i said, "let me edit it during the election, and no line shall appear commending your father to the electors. but whatever pretensions his adversaries put forth, we will examine." my proposal was agreed to. it was alleged by the rival candidate, that the requisition was signed out of courtesy to a popular townsman, and did not mean that those who signed it had pledged their votes. to this i answered that when chambers appeared on the thames, bookmakers said, "chambers is a newcastle man, who never sells the honour of his town, but will win if he can." is it to be true that a newcastle elector would not only give his promise, but write it, without intending to keep it? will he be true on the thames and false on the tyne? all the requisitionists save a few, whom sickness or misadventure kept from the poll, voted for joseph cowen, senior, who was elected by a large majority.

* this diffidence of appearing as the advocate of his father

was carried to excess. when a local paper made remarks upon

his father's knighthood, which ought to have been resented,

i set out late one night to darlington, arriving a little

before midnight, and wrote a vindicatory notice, which, by

the friendship of mr. h. k. spark, was inserted in the

darlington times that night. it was quoted afterwards in

the newcastle chronicle.

the great services to the town of the new member by his arduous chairmanship of the tyne commission, would have insured his election, but his majority was no doubt increased by the popularity of his son. this did not escape the comment of local politicians, and mr. lowthian bell said, "how is it, mr. cowen, that everybody votes for your father for your sake?" "i suppose it is," was the answer, "that while you have been sitting on winter nights with your feet on the rug by the fireside, i have been addressing pitmen's meetings in colliery villages, and finding my way home late at night in rain and blast; and it happens that they are grateful for it." this was the only time i knew mr. cowen to make a self-assertive reply.

when mr. cowen's father was in the field, and mr. beaumont began his canvass, in one street he met with forty-nine refusals to vote for him. "why will you not vote for me?" he asked. "we are going to vote for mr. coon, now," as his name was pronounced at the tyneside. "but you have two votes," mr. beaumont said; "you can give me one." "no! if we had twenty votes we should give them all to mr. coon. when chambers and clasper make a ￡100 match for the honour of the tyne, and we cannot make up the money, mr. coon always makes it up for us, and when we win and go to repay him, he gives it to us." this was not a patriotic reason to give for voting for "mr. coon," but it showed gratitude, as well as mr. cowen's influence, and what a hold his kindness to the people had given him upon their affection. thus they voted for the father from regard for the son. for in those days the son had no idea of parliament himself, and votes were not in his thoughts.

nothing could be more open or gentlemanly than mr. cowen in the contests to which he was a party. mr. somerset beaumont was member for newcastle, and he impressed mr. gladstone with a high sense of his capacity in parliament. one morning, as mr. beaumont and mr. cowen came into newcastle in the same train, mr. cowen said to him, "you know, mr. beaumont, we all like you personally, but you do not go far enough for us. we want a more radical representative for newcastle. we shall prevent your election next time if we can, but only if we have a more advanced candidate. otherwise we will countenance no opposition to you."

who could foresee the day would come when—save mr. cowen—the noblest candidate newcastle ever had (mr. john morley) would be opposed by mr. cowen in the interests of toryism? or that, after withstanding at the hustings when he became a candidate, and defeating furious collusions between tories, conservatives, moderates, publicans, and all who had vicious interests to serve or spite to gratify, mr. cowen himself would one day be found aiding or abetting the same parties by taking their side against liberalism.

when in parliament, his father had misgivings touching mr. gladstone, who, he thought, passed him at times without recognition. he had conducted mr. gladstone down the tyne in triumph, and his son had assembled 200,000 persons on the moor, who were addressed from twenty platforms in support of mr. gladstone, and provided reporters and published all the speeches. the cost of this was one of a hundred contributions he made in the interest of liberalism. i used to explain that mr. gladstone, intent upon great questions (he was always intent upon something) he had to explain to the house—he, self-absorbed, would pass by his friends without seeing them, expecting, as he had a right to expect, that devotion to the great trust of the state would be taken to palliate his seeming inattention to friends.

but mr. gladstone was not unmindful of the service rendered to him at newcastle, and when, some time later—no one else thinking of it—i made representations, through mr. (afterwards sir) james stansfeld—without knowledge of mr. cowen or his son—i was instructed to inform mr. cowen, sen., that a baronetcy would be placed at his acceptance. mr. cowen, jun., objected entirely on his own part. his father therefore only accepted a knighthood, which her majesty, from consideration of his years, kindly ordered to be gazetted, obviating his attendance at court. all the same, it was mr. gladstone's intention to recognise the services of the son as well as the father.

honours were not much accessible in those days, especially in uncourtly quarters. my representation, in suggesting what i did, was, that as personal distinction was conferred upon persons who had made ￡100,000, something was due to one who may be said to have given that sum to the public.* his chairmanship of the tyne commission extended over a period of twenty-four years, during which the tyne was converted from a creek into a navigable river.

* sir joseph cowen was appointed by act of parliament, 1850,

chairman for life of the tyne improvement commission, an

unpaid office. there was then only six feet of water on the

bar at low water spring tides, and twenty-one at high water.

in 1870 there was a depth of twenty feet at low water, and

thirty-five at high water; the deepening extending nine

miles from the bar. in twenty years ending 1870 there had

been raised thirty-eight million tons. in 1870 the tonnage

of the tyne had risen from two and a half millions to more

than four and a half millions, exceeding by one million that

of the thames. in 1865 there entered the tyne port for

refuge 133 vessels. in 1870 558 vessels fled there from the

storms of the north sea.

the time and assiduity thus devoted to the service of navigation and trade would have added ￡100,000 to his fortune. that his knighthood might be justified in the eyes of his neighbours and his own, i supplied the facts which authorised it to mr. walker, who was then editor of the daily news, and which appeared in his leader columns. my reason for taking the step i did was a sense of duty to the public, who should see as far as possible that those who rendered service should find acknowledgment of it i was of coleridge's opinion:—

"it seems a message from the world of spirits,

when any man obtains that which he merits,

or any merit that which he obtains."

on the death of the father, his son, mr. joseph cowen, was elected in his place, as a member for newcastle; and parliament being dissolved shortly after, he was again elected by a triumphant majority.

mr. cowen had made more speeches at the tyneside than any other resident ever did. but the town was unconscious of their merit. they were addressed mostly to working men, and to persons whom it was not thought necessary to report or take into account the speaker. when he became a candidate all classes of persons were among the auditors. the town was astonished at the relevance and fire of his orations. i mention this circumstance to show how a man can be famous in one half of the town and not known in the other.

after his retirement from parliament and platform he occasionally delivered orations on persons, at inaugurations, which surpassed all i have ever read of the kind, for aptness of phrase, variety of thought and vivid portraiture, which ought to be added to the record of english oratory.

it was not reasonable in him, after the change in his political views, to expect that his townsmen should adopt the new opinions he had begun to countenance, and which he had himself taught them to distrust. but this is what strong leaders do who suffer the pride of power to become imperious. a just ambition, which is patient, and will work for results, can as a rule succeed. it is ambition which is impetuous, and will not wait longer, which lapses into reaction from disappointment. with all his virtues, mr. cowen was impetuous. to desert a party because of the folly or excesses of portions of its members, would oblige a man to change his profession in politics and his creed in religion every twelve months.

in his earlier career it may be imagined that mr. cowen derived his principles from generous prejudices, in later days from indignant impulses.

many persons hold by inheritance right principles into whose foundation they have never inquired. investigation, if they entered upon it, would confirm their convictions, but not resting on examination, their nobler prepossessions may be displaced by passion. we all know in religion how vehemently adherents will vindicate questions of which they know only one side, and hold it to be sinful to inquire into the other. such persons, when right, are unstable and liable to variableness under the glamour of unknown ideas. mr. cowen was well informed on liberal principles and never took to conservative views, and, save in antagonism, did not assist them.

the bent of his mind to paramountcy in ideas was shown in the extraordinary requirements he made, that mr. morley should disown the political friends who had invited him to newcastle, and become the candidate of the chronicle. mr. morley answered, "i will not do it, and that is flat" then mr. cowen resolved that this refusal should cost him his seat, and ultimately he effected it, not from conservative resentment, but from pride. had mr. morley consented to this condition he would have remained member for newcastle, supported with all the force of mr. cowen's splendid advocacy. mr. cowen always remained true to home rule for ireland. but, as we have seen done in the case of others in parliament, he assailed every one who held it not under his inspiration.

mr. cowen was naturally noble, and resentment never made him mean, but like any one to whom compliance with his essential convictions is a necessity of his mind, he was apt to regard non-concurring persons as better out of the way. he would not destroy them, but they were no longer objects of his solicitude.

everybody who did not take this into account failed to understand mr. cowen's career. he sought nothing for himself—he refused everything offered to him, office included, and accepted no overture made to him. whatever opinion he held, to whatever party he allied himself, he might, if he wished, have remained member for newcastle all his life. he wanted no place in parliament; all he wanted was his own way—compliance with his own opinions. he had no ambition in the ordinary sense—he had no sinister end to serve, and it was always his preference to promote liberty and progress, generosity and good faith in public affairs.

conforming to no conventionality, never entering society, nor accepting any invitation to do it, in his attention to his collieries, his ships, his firebrick works, manufactory, newspaper and public meetings, he was occupied from early morning until late at night, without rest and without hurry. he was never exhausted and was never still. one evening he lay down on his sofa, fell asleep, and none around him knew that he was dead.

it would astonish the reader—were they all narrated—the considerable undertakings which he conducted and carried through at the same time. he was a great man of business, and had the management of heaven been consigned to him as a pleasure resort, he would have made it pay eventually. he was an apostle, not an apostate, but his apostleship was of his own ideas. he was no apostate of his party. had he been in the celestial world when lucifer revolted, mr. cowen might have aided satan, from motives of resentment at being denied, by certain dissentient cherubim, ascendency himself. but he would never have joined the fallen angels, nor, as we have seen other politicians do, officially engage in their work, or identify himself with them.