beyond the walls of constantinople—the valley of the lycus—the siege of constantinople in 1453—the life of the city at that time—the genoese ships which fought their way through the blockade—mohammed the conqueror’s anger at his admiral, baltaoghli—the last of the byzantine emperors—the scenes outside the gates during the war—the mosque of mihrama—the palace of the porphyrogenitus and the legend of the kerko porta—manuel comnenus—the towers of anemas and isaac angelus, and the varangian guard—egri kapoo and the master-weaver—simeon, tsar of all the bulgarians, and emperor romanus lecapenus—a walk in the country and the return to the city—a visit to the lines of chatalja.

the burnt column one of the most peculiar relics of old byzantium; standing alone, apart from the everyday life of the city, a silent witness to many strange events; a monument so old that its history is lost in oblivion.

the burnt column

one of the most peculiar relics of old byzantium; standing alone, apart from the everyday life of the city, a silent witness to many strange events; a monument so old that its history is lost in oblivion.

it was not in the city, in stamboul itself, where signs of any unusual state of affairs struck the casual stranger; it was outside the gates, beyond the walls, that signs of stress and trouble crowded in upon the observer—soldiers, stragglers, refugees, filled the gateways through the walls of theodosius. on the rising ground outside top kapoo dense groves of cypress trees, guarding the graves of men who had fallen in the repeated attempts to force an entry into constantinople, threw their long shadows over the road beyond the old defences, as they stood out deep-toned against the golden sunset. now these cypresses were rapidly falling before the axe of the macedonian refugees, who had formed their camp of waggons outside top kapoo. they were camping on the spot where mohammed the conqueror pitched his tent in 1453, looking down into the valley of the lycus, where the assaults were made which brought down the enfeebled empire of byzant. this was a pleasant place, according to all accounts, when the world was young, and{126}{125} st. chrysostom baptized his three thousand white-robed catechumens in the waters of the lycus. a few years later theodosius ii rode down from the heights outside to view the walls that he had built. he fell from his horse and died a few days later, from the injury caused to his spine. no doubt the valley of the lycus was a pleasant place in those far-off golden days of a golden empire, which, here in this valley, received the death-wound from the forebears of the people who are now swarming in the groves of cypresses, refugees, destitute, landless and homeless, instinctively turning towards asia, whence their race sprang. it came with giant strides, that race of the sons of othman; they first became acquainted with the glories of byzant through a mission sent from their chief to emperor justinian in the sixth century; they were not moslems then, for it was not till the eighth century that the arabs overran their country and forcibly converted them. they served the arab caliphs for a while, and in time rose above them and founded dynasties of their own folk. the young nation passed through many tribulations, but by the time that othman, son of erthogrul, came to the throne, the greeks had already felt the keenness of the sword that carved possessions out of the empire of the east, until nothing was left to c?sar but his imperial city. this valley of the lycus seethed with fighting men in those early days of 1453. both sides had been making preparations for a year or so. mohammed had collected his strong, well-disciplined army at adrianople, his european capital, and here, under his supervision, were made preparations for the siege of constantinople. he increased the number of guns, and in this was helped by a hungarian, urban, who had left the greek service on account of some ill-usage by his factious masters. the prize achievement of urban’s foundry at adrianople was a monster cannon, of which{128} wonderful things were said: its bore was of twelve palms breadth; it could contain a charge that drove a stone ball of six hundred pounds weight a distance of a mile, to bury it in the ground to the depth of a furlong. in spite of its wonderful performance, it is doubtful whether the big gun cast by urban did very much damage, although, to make sure, it was placed only a couple of hundred yards from the walls it was to bring down. at any rate, mohammed made all necessary arrangements for the siege, and finally turned on the priests of islam to rouse his warriors to the proper state of religious frenzy.

the preparations in the city were probably much less thoroughly undertaken. emperor constantine was a good man, and efficient, but it seems he was not strong enough to bring his people to the pitch of self-sacrifice necessary to those who have to sustain a siege. the citizens of constantinople were as keen about religious controversy as ever, and the times provided food for violent discussions, for the ruler of the empire realized the dangers that beset him and tried to make diplomacy a substitute for efficient military preparations. there was only one way by which help could come to constantinople, and that was by union of the orthodox greek church with the church of rome. the citizens of constantinople were wildly agitated by the publication of the news of this agreement, and many swore to admit the moslem rather than the roman priest. but the latter came, nevertheless, cardinal isidore of russia, as legate of pope nicholas v, and with him came help, a body of trained soldiers, and the union of the churches was solemnized at st. sophia, amidst disorder and riots in the streets. the greeks, though always ready to fight among themselves over some matter of dogma, had for many years ceased to bear arms in defence of their country. they had by degrees become too soft for the hard life of{129} a soldier, dropped one by one the heavier arms and accoutrements, which had to be carried about after them; it was hopeless to try and make any further use of them for military purposes. for this reason they were forbidden to take up the profession of arms, or even to form trained bands or bodies of volunteers; possibly another cause was the danger of an armed mob, violent, decadent, always dissatisfied. yet they should have been content; their rulers relieved them from the responsibility of defending their country, which, by the way, is considered an honour by the citizens of those european nations which have universal military service; they were fed by the state, which also provided amusement for them—games, fights of wild beasts, drama, and music; in fact, they had even less responsibility and were offered more entertainment than the people of another great empire of to-day. for defence the city of constantinople relied solely upon foreign mercenaries.

mohammed’s line of attack extended all along the walls, from the sea of marmora to the golden horn, where it joined with the fleet he had brought across country; the main assault was directed against the gate of st. romanus, down in the valley. the siege continued from april till may. the greek army was venturesome at first, and made sorties to destroy the earthworks, behind which the turks were planning mines. but the serious losses caused by such enterprise, as also the dwindling store of gunpowder, put an end to these operations, and the courage of the defenders began to sink. hope rose again for a while when a premature attack was beaten off, the assailants not yet having effected a negotiable breach, or again when a squadron of four genoese and one greek ship from chios fought its way through the turkish fleet and came to anchor in the golden horn under the {130}sea-walls of the seraglio. a very gallant episode this, which happened in the middle of april. the stately ships sailed up from the dardanelles, and bore down upon the numerous turkish fleet, while greeks crowded on the walls, and the turks, among them their sultan, rushed down to the shore to watch. from their tall decks the christian seamen hurled large stones and poured greek fire upon the low-lying turkish barques around them, and so they fought their way to the harbour’s mouth; the chain was lowered to receive them, and welcome reinforcement had come to constantinople. mohammed felt the humiliation so keenly that his wrath against baltaoghli could only be appeased by that admiral’s death—the order went that he was to be impaled on the spot. but the janissaries demurred, and entreated the sultan to spare the admiral’s life, so the angry sovereign punished the offender, stretched on the ground, held by four slaves, by dealing him one hundred blows with his battle-mace; no doubt a dignified proceeding, though most painful to the admiral.

the succour brought by the five ships was all that ever came to the distressed city; the siege was carried on relentlessly, and one by one the strong walls and towers went down before mohammed’s artillery. on may 24th he sent in to demand surrender, but was refused, so orders were given for a general assault on the 29th. the hostile leaders spent the eve of battle in characteristic manner. mohammed assembled his chiefs and issued final orders; he despatched crowds of dervishes to visit the tents of his troops to inflame their fanaticism and promise them great rewards—double pay, captives and spoil, gold and beauty, while to the first man who should ascend the walls the sultan promised the government of the fairest province of his dominions.

a byzantine palace the ancient palace of the porphyrogenitus, where those “born in the purple” were shown to the populace and proclaimed “c?sar urbi, c?sar orbis.”

a byzantine palace

the ancient palace of the porphyrogenitus, where those “born in the purple” were shown to the populace and proclaimed “c?sar urbi, c?sar orbis.”

emperor constantine likewise assembled his nobles, and{131} the leaders of his allies, chief of whom was giustiniani; he adjured them to make yet greater efforts in the defence, and to infuse new courage into the siege-worn troops by their example. rewards he had none to offer them. then each leader went his way to the post assigned to him, the emperor himself to a solemn mass in st. sophia, the last time in the history of that sacred shrine the mysteries of the christian faith were adored by any christian worshipper. constantine then returned to the palace and asked forgiveness of any of his servants whom he might have wronged; then he passed from his palace to his station at the great breach.

in the ottoman camp all was ready for the great attempt, and at sunrise masses of assailants stood in their appointed places, waiting to hurl themselves against the tottering defences of the eastern empire. to the sound of drums and trumpets wave after wave of fierce fighting men surged across the filled-in fosse, over the broken walls, to be repulsed by the defenders. time after time they were repulsed and followed by fresh swarms, trampling down the barrier of corpses in their eagerness for blood and booty. but the courage and numbers of the defenders were ebbing fast; giustiniani, who, side by side with the emperor, was conducting the defence of the great breach, fell severely wounded, and was borne away to die in his galley in the harbour. this took the heart out of the defence; the chief of the assailing janissaries noticed it, and urged his men to yet greater endeavour. the turks now numbered fifty to one as hassan, the giant of ulubad, led thirty men as vanguard of the last attack into the breach. hassan fell, and most of those who came with him, but the main body followed rapidly, and under the weight of this tremendous onslaught the christian garrison was over-powered. the victorious turks rushed in; others had{132} forced the gate of the phanar on the golden horn, and constantine’s fair city was given over to the sword.

constantine xii (pal?ologus) fell in the breach, defending the city of his great namesake against the moslem; his body was found under a heap of slain, and with him fell the greater number of his latin auxiliaries.

refugees from thrace and macedonia are camping among the cypresses on the site from which mohammed the conqueror watched the fall of constantinople’s last defences, while out at chatalja another foe was dealing heavy blows at the last defences in europe of that empire founded here that day in may, 1453.

the lycus, a dirty, insignificant stream, now swelled by constant rain and draining the quagmire which is called a road, outside the walls, flows through an arch underneath one of the towers into stamboul. just within, and leaning up against the walls, are huts built of wood, disused oil-tins, and other makeshifts. these harbour a colony of gipsies, who seemed as happy in the mud as they were when last i saw them, basking in the sunshine. this colony finds the expert horse-dealers (and stealers) of the neighbourhood. at present business is slack, for the war has demanded all there was in the way of horseflesh in the city, for in this respect, too, no adequate preparations had been made; the tramway companies had to give up their jades to carry the sultan’s cavalry to victory and sofia, as was fondly imagined by the hosts that streamed out through the gates of the city. i have seen some of the few survivors of those horses, led back by men who were in much the same condition as their mounts; it seemed as if their sinews alone kept their bones from falling apart.

groves of cypress trees used to cast long shadows over the many graves that mark the landscape to westward of the track that leads northward along the walls of constantinople;{133} to-day they are fast disappearing under the axe of the refugees, and what was once a scene of solemn beauty is now squalor and desecration, for right away to the gate of adrianople, edirné, as the turks call it, there were clusters of carts with their distressful burdens. looking down on all this misery stands the mosque of mihrama, on the highest point of the old defences of constantinople. a church dedicated to st. george, the patron saint of warriors and horsemen, stood here, until st. george’s mission of protecting christian soldiers ended in the debacle down in the ruin-heaped valley below. to me, the crescent on the dome of mihrama, the unfinished minaret amidst its scaffolding seemed to wear an air of detachment from the ghastly scenes below; around it dirt and disease, and abject misery within the courtyard of the mosque; but its growing minaret stands quite aloof, and points to the lowering sky, beyond which allah decides the fate of mortals. so his worshippers, the followers of the prophet, lie down in huddled heaps of wretchedness about his courts below—kismet!

the walls of theodosius turn away from the road after the gate of adrianople, and end at an imposing ruin, once the home of emperors—the palace of the porphyrogenitus. it stands high, overlooking the city and the open country; on its walls are the remains of two balconies, from one of which the new-born prince was shown the wide extent of rolling plain and proclaimed “c?sar orbi,” from the other, looking out upon the city, “c?sar urbis.” owls and bats now haunt the scene of former greatness, and the voice of echo, the “daughter of the arches,” no longer gives back the sounds of revelry, the chorus of applause, or murmurs of discontent, which made up the history of that ancient empire which fell before the sword of othman in the valley of the lycus. close by is a little postern gate in the curtain{134} connecting the last two towers of the walls of theodosius; it was called the kerko porta, and legend lingered round it. during the last day of the siege, in may of 1453, a rumour ran along the lines of the defence that the turks had gained admission by this gate. they did so, but were driven out again by the last emperor’s bravery, which, however, only delayed the inevitable result of mohammed’s fierce assault. ever since then the greeks believed that when the city should be recaptured by christians, they would enter by this gate. the turks heard of this tradition, and when the slavs were pouring down the valley of the maritza, and approaching stamboul, they pulled down the curtain so that the russians might not enter by the kerko porta, and replaced it by a smaller wall.

beyond the ruined palace the moat ends abruptly, but the walls continue higher and of greater strength. history clings round them; they recall names of famous men who lived their day, manuel comnenus, who was to old byzant what manoel o fortunate was to medi?val portugal. anna comnena, daughter of the first alexius, who wrote the history of her father’s reign, a record of insincerity. anne and her mother irene conspired to poison john, her brother, who proved one of the worthiest of the latter emperors of the east.

the last dynasty of byzant, the pal?ologi, is responsible for the high walls and towers that follow the walls of the comneni towards the golden horn. john vii (pal?ologus) had them repaired in 1441, for the last time probably, until johannes grant, a german engineer in the service of the greeks, under cover of darkness, directed his workers to secure the portions of the wall that had suffered most heavily under the fire of turkish ordnance.

in the plain below is yet another sombre mass of ancient masonry, peculiar in design, for it has the appearance of{135} two towers joined together. they differ in structure, one built of carefully cut stone, with courses of brickwork, the other roughly put together, and from it marble pillars project like cannon. these are the towers of anemas and isaac angelus, the former descendant of a saracen emir who was converted to christianity when young and in captivity, and distinguished himself in several campaigns under john zimisces; he was killed in a personal encounter with swiatoslav, the russian king.

the other tower is said to have been the quarters of the imperial bodyguard, the varangians, whose conduct in the field shines out brightly against the records of cowardice and the treachery which inspired the policy of the later greek empire. the name varangian is probably derived from the teuton “fortganger,” forthgoer, signifying men who had left their country in search of adventure. the first of these varangians were probably norsemen, who suddenly emerged from the darkness of their northern shores to prey as pirates upon the settled communities, and found their way through the mediterranean sea to byzant. the fame of this warriors’ eldorado reached other northern nations, so from england came big-limbed saxons, impatient of the norman conqueror’s discipline. danes, too, were to be found amongst the ranks of the eastern emperor’s bodyguard, their weighty battle-axes and stout hearts performing those deeds of valour which anna comnena was wont to ascribe to that vainglorious hypocrite, her father, emperor alexius i. here, by these towers, the old defences of constantinople end in heavy masses of ruined masonry.

one sunday morning the sound of heavy firing coming from the west, from the present-day defences of constantinople, the lines of chatalja, drew me out into the open country. i left the city by the egri kapoo, the{136} crooked gate, formerly the gate of the kaligari, the shoemakers, when the court of byzant lived here by the palaces of c?sar. little wooden houses stand on the low ground beyond the gate, on the road down to a plain by the golden horn. in one of those houses lives ali, the master-weaver. he was pursuing his vocation leisurely in his little workshop below the level of the road. “the war!” said master ali, “the war affects me not at all.” so i went on towards the sound of the guns, past the open space by the water where simeon, tsar of all the bulgarians, after defeating the greeks in battle, met the emperor romanus lecapenus, and dictated harsh terms. simeon knew the greeks well; he and many of his followers had been educated at byzant, and the culture he thus gained helped him to defeat his teachers. bulgarians still come to constantinople for education, at robert college; among them was m. gueshof, tsar ferdinand’s prime minister—and the bulgarians were again outside constantinople, hammering at its defences, the lines of chatalja.

i walked out far into the country that sunday, over the rolling plains, up hill and down dale, drawn by the sound of gun-fire, which has a mighty attraction for me; it is a strong, invigorating sound. there were few indications of war, though fighting was in progress not many miles away; villagers sat on little stools outside the cafés, over the uneven roads the carts of refugees rolled, creaking towards constantinople. here and there i met a party of stragglers, weary soldiers, unarmed, their faces set towards the east where, over the domes of the mosques, the hills of asia showed faintly, their outlines broken by tall minarets. when evening fell upon the desolate landscape i retraced my steps towards the city, where lights were twinkling and casting broken reflections upon the waters of the golden horn. through the narrow streets of the phanar, where{137} silent figures flitted across my path, to vanish into some little wooden house or other, with its latticed windows, an air of unconcern prevailed, though men were dying out there, some fifty miles away. through the crowded purlieus of galata, up the steep, ill-paved streets to pera, with its hotels, clubs, cafés, and vicious imitations of parisian entertainments.

on the following day i went out towards the lines of chatalja again, this time by sea. we were a party of five—a british consular official; a british naval officer, instructor to the sultan’s war fleet; two turks, one a naval officer, the other a captain of artillery; and i, a peripatetic author and artist. we sailed out from the golden horn as the sun was struggling to break through heavy banks of cloud; huge warships of different nations loomed large in the pale grey light of early morning, and here and there a twinkling light drew flickering response from the moving waters. as the daylight increased the ancient sea defences of constantinople took definite form, above them the mosques and minarets of conquering sultans. we sped past the marble tower, looking chill under a heavy grey sky; above it rose the broken towers of yedi koulé, past makri keui, and round the blunt promontory where san stefano stands in all its misery of disease, to where the land rises west of küjük chekmedje. here we anchored about half a mile from the shore, hauled in a duck-punt which had soared behind us all the way, and, rowed by an alleged sailor of the sultan’s navy, made for the shore. there was some water rolling greasily in the duck-punt as we started, it increased in volume, and by the time we drew near the beach we had our feet well under water. the turkish naval officer and the gunner sat in the bows, the other passengers astern; and the naval expert lent by our admiralty directed the oarsman to pull us sideways on the{138} beach, as a quite noticeable sea was coming in on our starboard quarter, and our demands (if any) in that line were already fully satisfied. however, the turkish a.b. (perhaps i flatter him, but flattery is an important item in oriental colouring) thought fit to attempt a landing which would give us the full benefit of what sea there was. the british expert, when our crank craft first felt the shingle, ordered our turkish friends to jump ashore. the sailor did so at once, the soldier required time, for he was wrapped in a long grey overcoat, carried a sword, and, moreover, wore boots ill-suited to such enterprise. the duck-punt thereupon began to behave with unseemly levity, and in rolling shipped a deal of water, so that we who sat astern indulged in the unasked-for luxury of a hipbath, alfresco, and, moreover, attired for quite another purpose. alas! all my dear mother’s good precepts anent avoiding wet feet went by the board. however, we got ashore, so did the duck-punt too, in time; i hear she lies there still, her leaky bottom upwards, a silent witness to our undaunted bravery.

the lines of chatalja the south extremity of the lines by the sea of marmora. the road leads down to the village of küjük chekmedje, with its bridge across which the bulgarians attempted an attack, but were checked by the fire of a turkish warship in the bay.

the lines of chatalja

the south extremity of the lines by the sea of marmora. the road leads down to the village of küjük chekmedje, with its bridge across which the bulgarians attempted an attack, but were checked by the fire of a turkish warship in the bay.

we made inland over the rising uplands till we could look down upon the lake of buyük chekmedje, from the extreme left of the turkish defence—the lines of chatalja. a road leads over the several outflows of the lake by a bridge of many arches. here the bulgarians had attempted an assault some days before, and had been baffled by those that held the trenches searing the hill-side to the eastward, and by the guns of a turkish warship lying off the coast. at our feet lay the lake, beyond it ridges of rising ground, melting away into a broken line to northward. it was a most peaceful scene, for the warship was hidden by a shoulder of land, and there were no turkish troops in sight, nor any of their enemies. we had met only a few people on our way; a turkish patrol, who seemed mildly{139} concerned about us, and some shepherds with their flocks, all equally indifferent to the great doings that are filling the world’s daily papers with exciting copy, a credit to the inventive genius of the modern journalist. the shepherds stood out like statues on the skyline, and of rather quaint shape, which i discovered to be due to the strange fashion of their cloaks, the sleeves of which stick out in an acute angle, and are not used for their original purpose at all. we wandered still further inland, not in a compact body, for the turkish gunner-man was a very deliberate walker and, like most of his race, not prone to undue haste. nevertheless, we arrived in time at a turkish camp of some fifteen hundred men, a camp which could be traced by scent as well as view. it stood below the skyline on some rising ground, which sloped steeply towards the enemy’s position, and gave evidence of a complete absence of any kind of sanitation. the caimakam (lieutenant-colonel) commanding welcomed us politely, and after having ascertained that nothing whatever had happened that day, and that no one expected anything to happen, because rumours of a truce were afloat, we thought of making our way home. this meant walking back to küjük chekmedje, where we hoped to find some boat to take us out to our launch. the walking party tailed off on the way, the british element forging ahead, the turkish lagging behind, to allow the former to cool down in the north wind while waiting for the rear-guard, until at last we found a boat and were rowed out to the launch. i heard a shot or two from the land, coming in our direction perhaps; possibly the turkish patrols, finding no bulgars to shoot at, thought fit to practise on us; however, like so much of the shooting done in modern warfare, even the best-conducted, it was perfectly harmless.

so again i returned to constantinople, and passed through{140} sunday crowds quite indifferent to the events in progress some fifty miles away, at those lines of chatalja, planned by valentine baker pasha, and since his time neglected till they became the only barrier between the sublime porte and ruin. it is strange, though enlightening, to reflect that while the turkish army was being driven back from the frontiers, while ill-equipped bodies of turkish troops, leaderless, were being driven before a highly trained enemy, the lines of chatalja, the last defence of constantinople, were left unarmed, unguarded, but for a couple of elderly men whose duty it was to see that doors, shutters, and other bits of woodwork were not removed by the genial neighbours for firewood.

but this is turkey, an empire that has traded on its position as apple of discord for centuries, and has never been able to take thought for the morrow—nomads, here to-day and gone to-morrow.