caxton abroad—caxton's mercantile pursuits—restrictions on trade—caxton's commission—merchants' marks—beginnings of printing—playing cards—wood-engraving—block-books—moveable types—guttenberg—guttenberg's statue—festival at mentz.

robert large, the master of caxton, became lord mayor of london in 1439-40. he died in 1441. that he was a man of considerable substance appears by the record of his bequests, in stow's survey of london: "robert large, mercer, mayor 1440, gave to his parish church of st. olave, in surrey, two hundred pounds; to st. margaret's, in lothbury, twenty-five pounds; to the poor, twenty pounds; to london-bridge, one hundred marks; towards the vaulting over the watercourse of walbrook, two hundred marks; to poor maids' marriages, one hundred marks; to poor householders, one hundred pounds."[10] by his last will he bequeathed to his servant, william caxton, twenty marks, a considerable sum in those days. from this period it would seem that caxton resided abroad. in the first book he translated, the "recuyell of the historyes of troye," which bears upon the title to have been "ended and {45} finished in the holy city of cologne, the 19th day of september, the year of our lord one thousand, four hundred, sixty, and eleven," he says, "i have continued by the space of thirty year for the most part in the countries of brabant, flanders, holland, and zealand." the rev. john lewis, who wrote the life of master william caxton, about a century ago, says, "it has been guessed that he was abroad as a travelling agent or factor for the company of mercers, and employed by them in the business of merchandise." oldys adds, but certainly without any authority, "it is agreed on by those writers who have best acquainted themselves with his story, he was deputed and intrusted by the mercers' company to be their agent or factor in holland, zealand, flanders, &c., to establish and enlarge their correspondents, negociate the consumption of our own, and importation of foreign manufactures, and otherwise promote the advantage of the said corporation in their respective merchandise." this, indeed, was a goodly commission, if we can make out that he ever received such,—an employment which seems to speak of free and liberal intercourse between two countries, each requiring the commodities of the other, and conducting their interchange upon the sound principles of encouraging mutual consumption, and thus producing mutual profit. doubtless, we may believe, upon a superficial view of the matter, that the agent of the mercers' company was conducting his operations with the full authority of the government {46} at home, and with the hearty support of the rulers of the land in which he so long lived. the real fact is, that for twenty of those years in which caxton describes himself as residing in the countries of brabant, holland, and zealand, there was an absolute prohibition on both sides of all commercial intercourse between england and the duchy of burgundy, to which those countries were subject; and for nearly the whole period, no english goods were suffered to pass to the continent, except through the town of calais; and "in france," says caxton, "i was never." if caxton had any mercantile employment at all from his company, it was, in all probability, for the purpose of finding channels in trade that were closed up by the blind policy of the respective governments. he could not have conducted any mercantile operation in those countries, except in violation of the absurd commercial laws which would not allow the people to seek their own interest in their own way. it is by no means improbable, however, that by the connivance of the royal personages who wanted for themselves rich commodities which they could only obtain by that exchange which they denied their subjects, william caxton was in truth an accredited smuggler for law-makers who attempted to limit the wants, and the means of satisfying the wants, of the people they governed, in deference to the prejudices of those who thought that trade could only exist under a system of the most stringent prohibition.

{47}

while edward the fourth, and charles the good, duke of burgundy, were launching against each other ordinance and enactment to prevent their subjects becoming exchangers for the better supply of their respective wants, some politic understanding between these princes led them eventually to adopt a wiser system. it is pretty clear that william caxton was one of the agents, and a principal one, in putting an end to a policy which the duke of burgundy said was "evermore to endure." in 1464 edward the fourth issued a commission to his trusty and well-beloved richard whitehill and william caxton, to be his especial ambassadors, procurators, nuncios, and deputies to his most dear cousin the duke of burgundy for the purpose of confirming an existing treaty of commerce, or, if necessary, for making a new one. in 1466, this commission being dated in october, 1464, a treaty was concluded with the duke of burgundy, by which the commerce between his dominions and england, which had been interrupted for twenty years, was restored; and a port of flanders was subsequently appointed to be a port of the english staple, as well as calais. it is pleasant to us to believe that this extension of a principle which must eventually bind all nations in a common brotherhood was effected by the good sense of a mercer of london; who was afterwards to bestow upon his country the blessings of an art which has been the great instrument of that country's progress in real greatness and prosperity, and before which all {48} impediments to the continued course of that prosperity—all prejudices amongst her own children, or amongst other peoples, that make the great family of mankind aliens and enemies, and keep them from the enjoyment of the advantages which each might bestow upon the other—will utterly perish. it is pleasant to us to believe that william caxton, the first english printer, in his day opened the ports of one great trading community to another great trading community. when he, the mercer's apprentice, stamped the merchant's mark upon his master's bales, he knew not, he could not have divined, that by this process of stamping, carried forward by the ingenuity of many men into a new art, there would arise consequences which would change the face of the world. he could not imagine that he, whose education had consisted in learning to buy wool and measure cloth, should, by the natural course of his commercial life, be thrown into a society where a great wonder was to fill the minds of all men with astonishment—the multiplication of manuscripts by some new and secret process, as if by magic; and which some men, and he probably amongst the number, must have regarded with a {49} higher feeling than wonder,—with something like that prophetic view of its consequences which have been described by the novelist, who, perhaps more than any man, has employed that art to the delight of all classes in every country. we refer to the passage in sir walter scott's quentin durward, where louis the eleventh of france, and martivalle galeotti the astrologer, speak of the invention of printing, and the sage predicts "the lot of a succeeding generation, on whom knowledge will descend like the first and second rain, uninterrupted, unabated, unbounded, fertilizing some grounds, and overflowing others; changing the whole form of social life."

marks

merchants' marks.

blocks

blocks and stencil instruments.

in a list of foreign goods forbidden to be imported into this country by statute of 1464, the reader might be surprised to find that playing-cards were of sufficient importance, from their general use, to require that the native manufactories should be protected in the production of them. playing-cards were known in france for more than a hundred years before this statute of edward iv.; so that the common notion that they were invented to furnish amusement to an insane king, charles vi. of france, about 1393, is a popular error. it is clear that both in france and spain at that period cards were the amusement not only of the royal and noble inmates of palaces, but of the burghers and the working people. the king of castile, in 1387, prohibited cards altogether; and they appear, with other {50} games of skill and chance, to have interfered so much with the regular labour of the artificers of paris, that the provost of that city, in 1397, forbade all working people to play at tennis, bowls, nine-pins, dice, or cards, on working-days. the earliest cards were probably painted by means of a stencil, by which name we call a piece of pasteboard or plate of thin metal pierced with apertures, by which a figure is formed upon paper or other substance beneath it when fluid colour is smeared over its surface with a brush. but it has also been conjectured, from their being in the hands of the working-people, that their cheapness must have been produced by some rude application of a wood-engraving to form the outline which the stencilling process filled up with colour. there can be no doubt that cards were printed before the middle of the fifteenth century; for there is a petition extant from the venetian painters to their magistracy, dated 1441, setting forth that the art and {51} mystery of card-making and of printing figures, which were practised in venice, had fallen into total decay, through the great quantity of foreign playing-cards and coloured printed figures which were brought into the city. the germans were the great card-makers of this period; and the name by which a wood-engraver is still called in germany, formschneider, meaning figure-cutter, occurs in the town books of nuremburg as early as 1441. some of the early cards were very rude. here is the knave of bells—for spades, diamonds, {52} hearts, and clubs were not then the universal symbols. others called forth the skill of very clever artists, such as he who is known as "the master of 1466," whose knave is a much more human knave than the traditionary worthy whom we look upon to this hour. when caxton, therefore, was abroad for thirty years, he would unquestionably have seen every variety of these painted bits of paper; some rich with crimson and purple, oftentimes painted on a golden ground, and calling forth, like the missals, the highest art of the limner; others impressed with a rude outline, and daubed by the stenciller. it appears that the impressions of the engraved cards, as well as of most of the earlier {53} block-prints, were taken off by friction. this is the mode by which, even at the present day, wood-engravers take off the specimen impressions of their works called proofs. the chinese produce their block-books in a similar manner, without the aid of a press.

knave-bells

knave of bells.

knave-master

knave, of master of 1466.

but there was another application of engraved blocks, about the same period, which was approaching still nearer to the art of printing. the representations of saints and of scriptural histories, which the limners in the monasteries had for several centuries been painting in their missals and bibles, were copied in outline; and being divested of their brilliant colours and rich gilding, presented figures exceedingly rude in their want of proportion, and grotesque in their constrained and violent attitudes. but they were nevertheless highly popular; and as the pictures were accompanied with a few sentences from scripture, they probably supplied the first inducement to the laity to learn to read, and thus prepared the way for that diffusion of knowledge which was to accompany the invention of printing from moveable types. in the collection of earl spencer there is a very curious print from a woodblock, representing st. christopher carrying the infant saviour. this print bears the date 1423. it is probably not the earliest specimen of the art; but it is the earliest undoubted document which determines with precision the period when wood-engraving was generally applied to objects of devotion. in a very few years from the date of this {54} print the art was carried onward to a more important object,—that of producing a book.

several of such books are now in existence, and are known as block-books. one of them is commonly called 'biblia pauperum,' the bible of the poor. but an ingenious writer on the progress of woodcutting, in the valuable book on that subject published by mr. john jackson, has shown very clearly that this was not the original title of the book; and he adds that it was rather a book for the use of preachers than the laity:—"a series of skeleton sermons ornamented with woodcuts to warm the preacher's imagination, and stored with texts to assist his memory." this very rare book consists of forty leaves of small folio, each of which contains a cut in wood, with extracts from the scriptures, and other illustrative sentences. of other block-books the most remarkable is called 'speculum salutis,'—the mirror of salvation. in this performance the explanations of the text are much fuller than in the 'biblia pauperum.' in addition to these works, wooden blocks were also used to print small manuals of grammar, called donatuses, which were used in schools. we present a fac-simile of a woodcut from one of the early block-books.

wise-men

the wise men's offering.

the use of carved blocks for the multiplication of copies of playing-cards and devotional pictures gave birth to a principle which has effected, and is still effecting, the most important changes in the world. these devotional pictures had short {56} legends or texts attached to them; and when a text had to be printed, it was engraved in a solid piece, as well as the picture. the first person who seized upon the idea that the text or legend might be composed of separate letters capable of rearrangement after the impressions were taken off, so as to be applied, without new cutting, to other texts and legends, had secured the principle upon which the printing art was to depend. it was easy to extend the principle from a few lines to a whole page, and from one page to many, so as to form a book; but then were seen the great labour and expense of cutting so many separate letters upon small pieces of wood or metal, and another step was required to be made before the principle was thoroughly worked out. this step consisted in the ready multiplication of the separate letters by casting metal in moulds. lastly, instead of using the old chinese mode of friction to produce impressions, a press was to be perfected. all these gradations were undoubtedly the result of long and patient experiments carried on by several individuals, who each saw the importance of the notion they were labouring to work out. it is this circumstance which has given rise to interminable controversies as to the inventors of printing, some claiming the honour for coster of haarlem, and some for guttenberg of mentz; and, as is usual in all such disputes, it was represented that the man to whom public opinion had assigned the credit of the invention had stolen it from another, who, as is {57} also usual in these cases, thought of it in a dream, or received it by some other mysterious revelation. the general consent of europe now assigns the chief honour to guttenberg.[11]

during the summer of 1837 a statue of john guttenberg, by thorwaldsen, was erected at mentz (or mayence), and on the 14th of august and the following days a festival was held there, upon the occasion of the inauguration of the monument. abundant evidence has been brought forward of late years to show that guttenberg deserves all the honours of having conceived, and in great part perfected, an art which has produced the most signal effects upon the destinies of mankind. at that festival of mentz, at which many hundred persons were assembled, from all parts of europe, to do honour to the inventor of printing, no rival pretensions were put forward; although many of the compatriots of coster of haarlem were present. the fine statue of guttenberg was opened amidst an universal burst of enthusiasm. never were the shouts of a vast multitude raised on a more elevating occasion;—never were the triumphs of intellect celebrated with greater fervour.

passing his life amidst the ceaseless activity that belongs to the commerce of literature in london, the writer of this volume felt no common interest in the enthusiasm which the festival in honour of guttenberg called forth throughout germany; and he determined to attend that celebration. the fine {58} statue which was to be opened to public view on the 14th of august had been erected by a general subscription, to which all europe was invited to contribute. we apprehend that the english, amidst the incessant claims upon their attention for the support of all sorts of undertakings, whether of a national or individual character, had known little of the purpose which the good citizens of mentz had been advocating with unabated zeal for several years;—and perhaps the object itself was not calculated to call forth any very great liberality on the part of those who are often directed in their bounties as much by fashion as by their own convictions. thus it is that we have monuments out of number to warriors. caxton has no monument; neither has shakspere. be that as it may, england literally gave nothing towards the statue of a man whose invention has done as much as any other single cause to make england what she is. the remoteness of the cause may also have lessened its importance; and some people, who, without any deserts of their own, are enjoying a more than full share of the blessings which have been shed upon us by the progress of intellect (which determines the progress of national wealth), have a sort of instinctive notion that the spread of knowledge is the spread of something inimical to the pretensions of mere riches. we met with a lady on board the steamboat ascending the rhine, two days before the festival of mentz, who, whilst she gave us an elaborate account of the fashionable dulness of the {59} baths of baden and nassau, and all the other german watering-places, told us by all means to avoid mentz during the following week, as a crowd of low people from all parts would be there, to make a great fuss about a printer who had been dead two or three hundred years. the low people did assemble in great crowds: it was computed that at least fifteen thousand strangers had arrived to do honour to the first printer.

the modes in which a large population displays its enthusiasm are pretty much the same throughout the world. if the sentiment which collects men together be very heart-stirring, all the outward manifestations of the sentiment harmonize with its real truth. thus, processions, and orations, and public dinners, and pageantries which in themselves are vain and empty, are important when the persons whom they collect together have one common feeling which for the time is all-pervading. we never saw such a popular fervour as prevailed at mentz at the festival of august, 1837. the statue was to be opened on monday the 14th; but on the sunday evening the name of guttenberg was rife through all the streets. in the morning all mentz was in motion by six o'clock; and at eight a procession was formed to the cathedral, which, if it was not much more imposing than some of the processions of trades in london and other cities, was conducted with a quiet precision which evidenced that the people felt they were engaged in a solemn act. the fine old cathedral was {60} crowded;—the bishop of mentz performed high mass;—the first bible printed by guttenberg was displayed. what a field for reflection was here opened! the first bible, in connexion with the imposing pageantries of roman catholicism—the bible, in great part a sealed book to the body of the people; the service of god in a tongue unknown to the larger number of worshippers;—but that first bible the germ of millions of bibles that have spread the light of christianity throughout all the habitable globe! the mass ended, the procession again advanced to the adjacent square, where the statue was to be opened. here was erected a vast amphitheatre, where, seated under their respective banners, were deputations from all the great cities of europe. amidst salvos of artillery the veil was removed from the statue, and a hymn was sung by a thousand voices. then came orations;—then dinners—balls—oratorios—boat-races—processions by torchlight. for three days the population of mentz was kept in a state of high excitement; and the echo of the excitement went through germany,—and guttenberg! guttenberg! was toasted in many a bumper of rhenish wine amidst this cordial and enthusiastic people.

and, indeed, even in one who could not boast of belonging to the land in which printing was invented, the universality of the mighty effects of this art, when rightly considered, would produce almost a corresponding enthusiasm. it is difficult to look upon the great changes that have been effected {61} during the last four centuries, and which are still in progress everywhere around us, and not connect them with printing and with its inventor. the castles on the rhine, under whose ruins we travelled back from mentz, perished before the powerful combinations of the people of the towns. the petty feudal despots fell, when the burghers had acquired wealth and knowledge. but the progress of despotism upon a larger scale could not have been arrested had the art of guttenberg not been discovered. the strongholds of military power still frown over the same majestic river. the rhine has seen its pretty fortresses crumble into decay;—ehrenbreitstein is more strong than ever. but even ehrenbreitstein will fall before the power of mind. the rhine is crowded with steamboats, where the feudal lord once levied tribute upon the frail bark of the fisherman; and the approaches to the rhine from all germany, and from france and belgium, have become a great series of railroads. such communications will make war a game much more difficult to play; and when mankind are thoroughly civilized, it will never be played again. seeing, then, what intellect has done and is doing, we may well venerate the memory of guttenberg of mentz.