the cutting of the dam of the naree did not afford so much aid as had been hoped for, for the thirsty soil absorbed the water almost as fast as it poured out, and it was not until many days later that it began to fill the little irrigation canals at the villages through which the[pg 127] army passed. after resting two days at oostar, the force proceeded to bhag, a town of some size. here water was found in abundance, and grain in considerable quantities, and also a supply of carrots, which were eagerly purchased by the officers for the use of their horses. at the various places where they halted angus acted as interpreter, and rode out with a small body of cavalry to villages at which they learned a certain amount of forage could be obtained.

at bhag, to his great satisfaction, sir alexander burnes joined the party. he had paid a visit to the khan of khelat, and obtained from him stringent orders to the headmen of villages and others to do all in their power to aid the army. the inhabitants were all to be set to work to dig the holes, for which they would receive payments from the british. the khan also promised to despatch to dadur what supplies he could gather, but explained that unfortunately there was a much greater difficulty than usual in collecting provisions, as the previous season had been a very bad one, and in many parts of the country the villagers had not been able to gather sufficient for their own needs. as angus had heard the same at candahar, at the village near quettah, and from his guide, there could be no doubt that this excuse was a genuine one, and indeed the officers who had been engaged in scinde and in the country bordering the indus affirmed that the supplies obtainable there were also vastly smaller than had been anticipated.

throughout the next week angus was continually employed in riding among the towns in the khanate, interviewing headmen, and expediting the despatch of convoys. he was always accompanied by a troop of cavalry, for plundering parties of beloochees were making their way on all sides towards the line followed by the army, where they murdered stragglers, captured lagging camels, and were so bold that they ventured close to the outskirts of[pg 128] the villages occupied by the british camps, robbed the natives of the moneys paid them for forage or grain, and rendered it necessary that every convoy should be protected by a considerable escort. after a week of this work, angus received orders to join the force that was gathering at dadur. during the last two days' march the difficulties with regard to water had disappeared. the villages had all been situated on the bolan river, and little irrigation canals enabled the cultivation of a considerable tract of country to be carried on, which supplied forage in sufficient quantity for the first division of the army which came along.

dadur, a town of some four thousand inhabitants, stands on the eastern branch of the bolan river, whose banks were fringed with high reeds and groves of dwarf trees. the country round was well cultivated, and the fields were covered with young crops of wheat and barley. close to the town were gardens, and the whole presented an agreeable appearance to the troops, who had for nearly three weeks been painfully making their way across country which, even at its best points, was little more than a sandy desert. here angus again met sir alexander burnes, who had been making the greatest efforts to accumulate supplies at the town. his success, however, had been very small, nor had major leech, who was also at dadur, been more fortunate. it had been reckoned that twenty days' supplies for the whole army would have been accumulated there, but not more than sufficient for two or three days had been gathered, and general cotton, on arriving there with the bengal army, decided that it was necessary for at least a portion of the army to advance without delay.

sir alexander burnes started at once with major cureton of the 16th lancers, with a troop of that regiment, three companies of the native infantry, and a strong party of[pg 129] sappers and miners, to survey the pass up to quettah. major leech was sent to khelat to maintain a strong pressure upon the khan, and it was still hoped that stores might be collected by the time the bombay army came along. the report sent down was satisfactory inasmuch as the physical difficulties of the journey were concerned. in spite of the fact that heavy rains had fallen, the river had not risen sufficiently to interfere seriously with the passage of troops and animals, and on the 16th of march the horse artillery, 2nd light cavalry, the 13th regiment of the line, and the 48th native infantry, started early in the morning, forded by torchlight the bolan river, and at eight o'clock pitched their camp in the valley, where they were to rest for the day.

the road had so far offered no difficulties, except that the river had to be forded no fewer than eight times. the baggage animals which started at midnight had already arrived, but the tents were pitched with some difficulty owing to the rocky nature of the ground, which necessitated the use of iron tent-pegs instead of the wooden ones previously used. fortunately, owing to the pause that had been made by the advance parties at dadur, and the abundance of succulent food they had obtained there, the animals had recovered to a large extent from their previous fatigues and hardships, and the journey through the pass was accomplished with less loss and suffering than had occurred during the march from sukkar. vast numbers of animals, however, died, and the troops, who had started full of life and strength, were sadly changed, many of them being utterly worn out and a mere shadow of their former selves. the rumour that had precipitated the march by three weeks, upset all the transport arrangements, and caused so vast an amount of suffering, proved to be false—no for[pg 130]ward movement had been made by the candahar princes, and except for some little trouble with the marauding villagers, the march was entirely unopposed.

once in the shawl valley the fatigues of the army were over for the time, but in spite of the efforts of sir a. burnes and his assistants, only a very small amount of food and forage had been collected in readiness for them. so small indeed was the supply that it was necessary to place both the troops and native followers on reduced rations of flour, rice, and ghee. meat, however, was plentiful. the proceedings of the khan of khelat were not of a character to inspire confidence in him. while protesting strongly his friendship for us, he told our officers frankly that he was certain shah soojah would not retain his position for a day after the british troops marched away; that the whole feeling of the country was against him, and that although, had he advanced with only a native army raised by himself, he might have been accepted, the people would never submit to a sovereign thrust upon them by british bayonets.

opinions differed much as to his sincerity. those who doubted it pointed to the fact, that although he was said to have large stores of provisions at khelat, he had scarcely sold any to our troops, and had failed in all his promises in that direction. on the other hand, sir a. burnes maintained that the stores of provisions spoken of did not exist; and that in any case, having no belief in the possibility of shah soojah maintaining himself, it was but natural that he should hang back until he saw how matters went, for if he were to give any active aid to the british he would be considered a traitor by his countrymen, and would imperil his khanate and his life when our protection was withdrawn from him. the question was never satisfactorily cleared up. some of those who took part in the proceedings and wrote on the subject regarded him as a very ill-used man,[pg 131] while others considered the measures afterwards taken against him as being fully justified by his conduct.

as it was absolutely necessary that food should be obtained, parties were sent into the villages and a rigorous search instituted, and in this way a considerable quantity of hidden grain was discovered. this was taken and paid for at the market price. in quettah itself one very large store was found and taken up for the use of the army.

the climate was pleasant, and in spite of reduced rations the men benefited by the halt, which was not without its excitement, for large bands of plunderers hovered round, attacks were frequently made upon parties going out with camels to graze, and expeditions to punish the villages to which the marauders belonged were undertaken. at length general sir john keane, who was in command of the whole expedition, arrived at quettah, to the satisfaction of the army, for it was thought that some decision must now be arrived at. it was evident to all that, unless something were done, famine would ere long stare them in the face. the european troops could indeed exist upon meat, but the native troops and camp followers, the greater portion of whom were not meat-eaters, were already in sore distress, the supply of grain and rice barely sufficing to keep life together. the hope was justified. as soon as the general arrived the heads of the departments were assembled and arrangements were made for an advance. the greater portion of the bombay army arrived soon after their commander, and although the men were still weakened by privation the army was in most respects perfectly capable of carrying out the work successfully. there was, however, one serious drawback which threatened to destroy their efficiency: the horses of the cavalry and artillery and the animals of the transport were so weakened by want of grain and hay that they were altogether unfit for hard work.

[pg 132]

it was upon the 7th of april that the army moved forward, seven weeks having elapsed since they started from shikarpore. the march to candahar was long and painful, several passes had to be traversed, food became more and more scarce, and hundreds of animals died daily. beloochee plunderers during the first portion of the journey, and afghan raiders during the second, hung along the line of march, murdering all who straggled, capturing camels, at times even threatening an attack in force. they were able to do this, as our cavalry horses were so broken down that they could scarcely proceed beyond a walk. the candahar princes with a large following came out to give battle; but hajee khan kakur, one of the leading chiefs, had been bribed by our political officers, and deserting, came into our camp with a large body of followers, and this so disheartened the princes, and excited so much fear among them of further treachery, that they withdrew at once to candahar, and a few hours after their arrival there took the northern road. after immense suffering from want of water and food, the army entered the city on the 26th of april, shah soojah having gone on with hajee kakur and made a formal entry into the town two days previously.

angus had had little to do during the march from quettah. the chances of obtaining forage or food at the deserted villages near the line of march were so small that sir john keane decided that it would be useless to endeavour to obtain anything there, especially as an officer leaving the main body had to be accompanied by a strong escort to protect him from the bands of marauders, and it was deemed inadvisable to give the horses any work that could be avoided. angus's own animal, being accustomed to the country, suffered less than those from the plains, and in order to spare it as much as possible, and keep it in such a condition that it would be fit for work were he ordered[pg 133] to make any expedition, he generally walked by its side the greater part of the day, preferring this, indeed, to sitting on horseback and moving at the snail's pace necessitated by the difficulties of the road and the slow progress of the weakened animals of the baggage train. among these the mortality had been terrible, and one writer estimated that no fewer than thirty thousand transport animals died on the road between sukkar and candahar.

shah soojah had at first established himself in his camp outside the city, but two days after the arrival of the army he took up his abode at the palace. he was accompanied by his own officials and by macnaghten and burnes and their assistants.

"what are you smiling at, campbell?" lieutenant macgregor, who had been his companion and tent-fellow since they left dadur, asked as they rode together into the city.

"i am thinking of the difference between my position in this procession, and the fact that i am going to take up my quarters in the palace, and the position i occupied when i was last here—a pretended trader, suspected and watched, and obliged to escape by night."

"yes, it is a change, certainly," macgregor said, "and one for the better, though, after what we have gone through and all we may have to go through before we leave this wretched country, i don't think it would be safe to assert that it is less dangerous now than it was then. from the time we left shikarpore till we arrived here three days ago, we have never had a decent meal, we have practically never had enough to eat, we have suffered horribly from thirst, we have never dared to ride a hundred yards beyond the column or camp; we have lived, in fact, dogs' lives—not the life of a respectable dog in england, but of a starving cur in an indian bazaar. we don't know much about the future; i don't suppose we shall suffer from hunger and thirst as we[pg 134] have done, but our dangers of other kinds will certainly not be abated. everything looks smooth enough here. i don't think there is any enthusiasm at all for soojah, but there is no doubt that the princes were hated, and the people heartily glad to be rid of them. i fancy that we shall not have much difficulty in reaching cabul. they say ghuznee is a strong place, but we have taken scores of places in india that the natives considered impregnable. still, considering the way in which these marauding afghans hover round us, i think we shall have a very uncomfortable time of it."

as the soldiers were not at first allowed to enter the city, the merchants there speedily established a temporary bazaar outside the walls. here vendors of rose-water, of sherbet, and of a drink concocted of the juice of fruits, took up their stalls. people from the country round brought in loads of lucerne, wheat, barley, wood, and chopped straw. other merchants displayed posteens, pelisses made of sheep-skins, with the wool inside and embroidered outside with blue, red, and yellow thread; fowls, sheep, onions, milk, tobacco, and spices were also on sale, and before long the horse-dealers of herat brought down large numbers of good animals, which were eagerly bought up by officers who had lost their chargers. as soon as the soldiers were allowed to enter the town they poured into it. wheaten cakes, cooked meat, and mulberries tempted their appetite, and a little later plums and apricots were brought in in great profusion.

the scenes in the streets were very amusing. the british soldiers and sepoys with their large variety of uniforms mingled with the people of the town and country round. some of these wore long cloaks of chintz or woollen cloth, with large turbans; their hair, beards, and moustaches being allowed to grow very long, and the beards being dyed red.[pg 135] others were closely shaven, and dressed in jackets and trousers of blue linen, and tunics of brown cloth with long hanging sleeves, their heads being protected by skull-caps of various colours.

with may the heat, which already had been great, became even more oppressive. water was abundant, but the troops and camp followers were still on short rations of food. the price of grain was enormously high, and there was no chance of the magazines being replenished until the fields were ripe for harvest.

it was not until nearly three weeks after possession was taken of the capital that a force was despatched under brigadier sale in pursuit of the princes—a grievous mistake; for shah soojah had entered candahar on the day they left, and as they were greatly encumbered by their baggage train, the ladies of the harems, and a host of camp followers, they might easily have been overtaken; whereas, after their escape, they became the centre of intrigues against the ameer.

in june the harvest ripened, large quantities of grain were bought up by the commissariat, and preparations began for the advance to cabul. candahar was quiet and apathetic. so far no signs were visible of any enthusiasm for their new ruler among the people. not only did none of the neighbouring chiefs come in to pay their allegiance, but the shah's orders were everywhere disregarded. marauding bands harassed and sometimes attacked convoys coming up; and even close to the city it was dangerous for the soldiers to move many hundred yards beyond the limits of their camps. the health of the troops was far from good. the plains of candahar, fertile as they are, are unhealthy, as water can be found everywhere six or seven feet below the surface. the native troops suffered comparatively little, but the european soldiers were attacked by dysentery, jaun[pg 136]dice, and fever, and large numbers were carried off by these diseases.

at the end of june the necessary amount of grain was accumulated by the arrival of a large caravan from mooltan. the army was now to cut itself entirely free from its former lines of supplies, and would have to depend solely, upon the country for food, as the ever-increasing boldness of the beloochees in the bolan pass, and of the afghan marauders between quettah and candahar, had made it impossible for convoys, unless very strongly guarded, to make their way up.

the advance began at two o'clock on the morning of the 28th, and four hours later, after passing through a fertile district, the troops encamped at the village of killa azim. here they obtained barley for their animals, and peasants from other villages brought in an abundance of chopped straw for the camels. at midnight the trumpet sounded, and an hour later the army moved forward again as far as kheil. four days' further march brought them to kelat-i-ghilzye, the chief town of the ghilzye tribes. two or three hundred of their horsemen galloped away as the troops approached.

marching ten miles a day, the army followed the valley of the turnak, which afforded an ample supply of water for all their needs. the country was mountainous and desolate, the dreariness being only broken by small villages with their orchards and patches of cultivated ground. grain was brought in in abundance. the force was now far above the plain, the heat ceased to be oppressive even in the middle of the day, and the mornings and evenings were delightfully cool. nevertheless, the number of sick increased, owing to the bad quality of the flour and the absence of vegetables. the country now became more thickly populated, little villages, with the fortified dwellings of their chiefs, being[pg 137] thickly scattered about. the hostile tribesmen followed the march on both flanks, and many skirmishes took place; on one occasion the ghilzye marauders made an attack on the line of march, but were driven off with heavy loss. on the 17th a nephew of the ameer rode in with fifteen followers. he had gone to ghuznee with his brother to aid in its defence, but suspicions being entertained by mohummed hyder, the governor, of their fidelity, his brother was seized and put to death, and he himself only escaped a similar fate by flight.

as they approached ghuznee, sir alexander burnes said to angus: "mr. campbell, i shall be glad if you will resume your afghan costume and ride to-morrow at daybreak with a party of six of hajee khan kakur's men, and ascertain whether the enemy are in strength outside the fortress and intend to oppose our approach. if they do, we shall leave the baggage here under a strong guard and proceed to attack them. if they retire into the fortress, we shall advance as we have been doing, for possibly the siege may last some time, and it would be as well to take our ammunition and stores with us. will you undertake that mission? i do not wish you, of course, to approach the enemy very closely. they will naturally take you for a party coming to join them, and will pay no attention to you. half a mile will be near enough for you to go to the fortress. the disguise is only necessary because they too may have parties out, and should any come suddenly upon you, you would pass without suspicion or question; and indeed should you be stopped, your knowledge of the language is quite good enough to pass in any case. i have requested hajee khan to choose well-mounted men. we shall remain here to-morrow, and the general will send out a troop of cavalry to meet you on your return half-way between this and ghuznee, so that should you be pursued, you will know that you will meet[pg 138] with succour before going many miles. the fortress itself is some twelve miles from this camp."

"i will undertake it willingly, sir alexander."

accordingly on the following morning angus set out. azim asked leave to accompany him, but he refused.

"your horse is not a very fast one," he said. "it is a good beast, but we may have to ride for our lives, and you would soon be left behind. it is not a dangerous expedition, but in a country like this there is always the possibility of a surprise."

after riding for two miles the fortress of ghuznee was seen. it was situated on a high rock and surrounded by a wall of great height and strength, and was regarded by the afghans as absolutely impregnable. as they approached, and could make out the strength of the fortifications, it seemed to angus that, except by famine, it would be next to impossible to capture it. the general had left the few heavy cannon he had brought with him at candahar because of the extreme difficulty of getting transport, and the light field-pieces could make but small impression indeed on these massive walls. when he approached within a mile he halted. there were no signs of any afghan force in front of it. it was, of course, possible that they might sally out when they saw the army approaching, but at present there was nothing to show that they meant to do so. he was about to turn, when he was suddenly seized from behind, and in a moment his hands were bound tightly to his side by the sashes of two of his escort. the afghans burst into a shout of triumph.

"infidel dog," one said, "did you think because hajee khan kakur is a traitor that all his men are also. you came to see ghuznee. you shall see the inside as well as the outside."

[pg 139]

angus was brave, but a shudder ran through him as he thought of the fate that awaited him. the afghans never spared those who fell into their hands, and fortunate were those who were speedily killed, for in many cases they were tortured before they were done to death. it had never occurred to him to doubt for a moment the good faith of the men who accompanied him; and yet, now he thought over it, such a possibility should have been foreseen, since there was no reason why the men should be traitors to their race, although for the moment they had obeyed their commander's orders and ridden with him into the british camp. they might even have remained faithful to him had not this opportunity of rejoining their countrymen presented itself. even in the midst of his own deadly peril he was glad to think that, by his refusal to allow azim to accompany him, he had saved him from the fate that awaited himself.

he knew well that no entreaties would avail to soften the heart of the afghan commander, and determined that, whatever came, he would maintain a firm countenance and meet his fate bravely. the gate of the fortress stood open. the men as they entered said a few words to the guards stationed there.

"we were forced," they said, "to accompany the traitor hajee khan kakur to the camp of the infidel, but we have taken the first opportunity to desert, and have brought with us this man, who is one of their officers, as a prisoner."

"why trouble to bring him as a prisoner?"

"we thought that mohummed hyder would like to question him, and are bringing him here to show that we are true men."

climbing a steep road, they entered a great courtyard. here they dismounted, and their leader, a sub-officer, went[pg 140] forward to the governor's house, followed by two others, between whom angus walked. the leader entered, the others remained outside until he returned.

"follow me with the captive," he said, "mohummed hyder will speak to him."

a minute later angus stood before the governor. he was seated on a divan, and several other chiefs of importance were standing or sitting round.

"they tell me," the governor said, "that you can speak our tongue?"

"i can do so," angus said quietly.

"where did you learn it?"

"in herat, where i fought during the siege, against the persians."

"and now you come hither as a spy?"

"not as a spy. i came here only to view the fortress from a distance."

"is it true that the kafirs are bringing no big guns with them?"

as the governor was doubtless well informed as to the strength of the british army and the number of its guns, angus felt that there could be no harm in answering the question.

"they are not," he said.

"how do they intend to take ghuznee? will they fly over the walls or burrow through the rock?" the governor said scoffingly. "are they madmen, who think they can tear down the walls of ghuznee with their finger-nails?"

"i know nothing of the plans of the general," angus replied. "but the british have taken many strong places in india when it seemed that it could not be done."

"they will not take ghuznee. when the first shot is fired at its walls we will throw over to them your head and your limbs, to show that we despise them and mock their[pg 141] foolish effort. take him away, yakoob. do you see him safely bestowed."

angus was led to a cell in one of the turrets on the wall. his weapons had been taken from him when he was first captured, and when he reached the prison his arms were unbound by the leader of the band, who carried off the sashes to the men to whom they belonged. a massive door was closed behind them, and angus heard two heavy bolts shot—a proof that the tower was often used as a prison. listening, he heard another door at the foot of the turret closed and bolted. the window was a mere loophole, but it commanded a view of the road by which he had been brought up. the cell was circular in shape, and some ten feet in diameter; it was absolutely bare. angus stood for some little time looking through the loophole. it was three feet wide on the inner side, but narrowed to six inches at the outlet; the wall was more than two feet thick, and of solid stone.

"it is evident that there is no possibility of escape," he said aloud as he turned away from the loophole. "even if i could widen the hole so to be able to creep through, there is a fall of a hundred feet or so; and there is nothing of which a rope could be made. i have my knife," he said, "fortunately they did not think of looking in my pockets; but though it has a good long blade, and i might at the end sell my life as dearly as possible, and force them to kill me, it can be of no earthly use here, for there is nothing to cut except that rough plank in the corner, which was, i suppose, brought up for some purpose or other and forgotten."

the day passed slowly. no one came near him until, just as the sun was setting, two soldiers came in bringing a jug of water and some bread. angus had little sleep that night. he dozed off occasionally, but the hardness of the stone[pg 142] floor and the cold speedily roused him, and he was glad indeed when daylight returned and the sun shone out. an hour later, when looking from his prison window, he perceived a party of horsemen. long before he could distinguish their figures he made sure that they were british troops, from the fact that two or three rode ahead, and the rest, evidently an escort, in a close body behind them. they approached within musket-shot. as soon as they did so a fire of matchlocks broke out from the walls. they drew off a little, and then turned and rode off. there was no doubt that they were a reconnoitring party, who had ridden forward to ascertain the best spot for an attack.

two hours later three regiments of infantry came up, followed by a battery. the object of their approach was to discover whether ghuznee was held in force, for reports had reached the camp that the greater portion of the garrison had retired. it answered its purpose, for the guns of the fortress opened fire, and for an hour there was an exchange of shot between them and the battery. the object of the reconnaissance being fulfilled, the british returned to their camp. not until five o'clock was any further movement perceptible; then angus saw a long dark line ascending the pass. on reaching its head the column made a wide detour, so as to keep beyond the range of the guns of the fortress, and then entered a rocky and difficult country to the east. as he knew that the gates had all been walled up with masonry with the exception of that through which the road from cabul entered it, he had no doubt that it was intended to encamp on that side, thus cutting off the fortress from relief by the army assembled under another of the ameer's sons, and at the same time preventing the flight of the garrison. as long as it was light the column was still passing on—a long line of baggage waggons and native followers, guarded by bodies of troops against any sortie[pg 143] that might be made. during the night occasional shots were fired from the fortress, and at various points of the plain and on the surrounding hills fires raised gave indications of gatherings of tribesmen.

it had indeed been a painful and difficult march. several streams and water-courses swollen by rain had to be crossed, but with enormous exertions the whole force was established, and on the following morning tents were erected along the position chosen. sir john keane, accompanied by general cotton, ascended the heights, took a survey of the fortress, and decided upon the plan of attack. at two o'clock in the afternoon a body of afghan horse suddenly attacked the camp in the rear, but were beaten off by our own cavalry. angus heard the outburst of firing, and concluded that the governor would ere long carry out his threat. he had no idea what the commander-in-chief's plan was, but he felt certain that the attack when made would be sudden and sharp, and would be in the nature of a surprise, for in no other way did it seem possible that a force, however strong, could without artillery capture the place. in that case there was just a possibility that in the excitement of the moment his existence would be forgotten.

"at any rate," he said to himself, "i will do what i can to defer the moment of my execution. i don't suppose it will be of the smallest use, but as i have nothing else to do, i will cut some wedges, and as soon as the attack begins in earnest i will jam them in round the door."

for the rest of the day he occupied himself in cutting strips of wood off the plank and fashioning wedges, of which he made about four dozen, the work sufficing to keep his thoughts from dwelling upon his probable fate. he concealed all these in his clothes; then he cut off a stout piece of plank and fashioned it into the form of a short thick bat, with which to drive the wedges into their place.[pg 144] then he laid the plank in its place again, with the freshly-cut side against the wall, swept up the chips, and threw them out of the loophole. he thought it probable that sir john keane would attack without any delay, as it was all-important to capture the citadel before the relieving army from cabul and the forces of three or four great chiefs which were also in the neighbourhood could join hands and attack him in the rear, while the powerful garrison sallied out and fell upon him in front.