on 22nd of november, a fortnight after angus arrived at herat, the persian army took up its position on the plain to the north-west of the city. the inhabitants crowded the walls to watch the advancing host—the afghan portion of the population with scowling faces and muttered imprecations, the sheeahs prudently abstaining from all demonstrations of their feelings, but filled with hopes of deliverance from their tyrants. pottinger learned that the afghan horse were going to make a sortie, and he and angus went together to the north-west angle of the wall.

"a good deal will depend upon this first fight," pottinger said. "if the persians easily repulse the assault, it will cause a deep depression among the afghans. if, on the other hand, the heratees obtain a fair amount of success, it will so encourage them that they will not fear another time to encounter the enemy, and will fight strongly when the walls are attacked."

in a short time the afghan horse were seen pouring out of the western gate. there was but small attempt at anything like military order. it was a mob of horsemen; individually splendid riders, and for skirmishing purposes unsurpassed, but, as pottinger remarked to his companion, quite unfit to stand against a charge of regular cavalry equally endowed with courage. keeping near the city wall until facing the persian position, where a regiment of cavalry were hastily mounting, they wheeled round and rode against the enemy with loud shouts. the persians rode to meet them, but were unable to withstand the impetuosity of the charge, and, amidst the exulting shouts of the afghans on the wall,[pg 37] wheeled round and fled in disorder. the afghans then turning, flung themselves upon a strong body of infantry that was advancing against them in good order. these, however, stood firm, emptying many saddles by a heavy volley they poured in when the afghans were close, and presenting so steady a line of bayonets that the horsemen recoiled.

as they did so, the persian artillery opened upon the afghans, who retired until near the wall, and then dismounted and opened fire with their long matchlocks upon the persian gunners. pottinger ran at once to a couple of guns close to where they were standing, and under his directions the afghans in charge of them at once replied to the persian guns. a number of the afghan footmen ran out from the gate on that side, and, joining the dismounted men, kept up a hot fire, while those on the wall also joined in the conflict. as the persian guns could effect little against the infantry lying in shelter, they were now directed against the wall, causing a rapid dispersal of the peaceable portion of the spectators. the effect of their fire showed at once the rottenness of the fortifications. although but light guns, they knocked down portions of the parapet, which crumbled as if it had been made of rotten timber. pottinger shook his head as he and angus walked along to watch the effect of the fire. "if a six-pound shot can effect such damage as this, it is clear that when they get their siege guns to work a few hours will effect a breach in the wall itself."

on their side the persians also sent out skirmishers. these pushed forward to a point where they could take the afghans in flank, and cause them to retire nearer to the walls. the fighting was continued until dark, when the persians drew off, and the afghans retired into the city. no material advantage had been gained by either side, but the heratees were well content with the result. they had shown[pg 38] themselves superior to the persian cavalry, and had maintained themselves against the infantry.

the persians lost no time, and during the night pushed forward and occupied all the gardens and enclosures on the west of the city, and placed a strong force among the ruins of a village there. in the morning they began to advance against the wall. the afghans sallied out horse and foot; the cavalry, unable to act in such broken ground, moved round, and hanging on the flanks of the persian camp, continually threatened an attack. the infantry, taking advantage of every wall and bush, maintained a heavy fire upon the enemy. the artillery on both sides opened fire, but at the end of the day neither party had gained any advantage.

the afghans brought in the heads of several whom they had killed, and a few prisoners. the heads were placed on pikes and exhibited on the walls. the prisoners were bartered as slaves in exchange for horses to the turkomans, of whom a considerable party were encamped at a short distance from the walls.

"it is horrible and disgusting," pottinger said to his companion that evening as they sat together, "this custom of cutting off heads, but as it is, i believe, universal in the east, it would be worse than useless to protest against it. it is the custom always to reward a soldier for bringing in a head as a proof of his valour, though, in fact, it is no proof, as he may simply, as he advances, cut it from the body of a man shot by someone else. putting aside the brutality, it operates badly, for instead of following up an advantage hotly, the men stop to collect these miserable trophies, and so give time to an enemy to escape or rally. i have read in the accounts of the campaigns of the turkish conquerors that the heads were always brought in to the general and piled before his tent, and that each soldier was rewarded according to the number he brought in, and i fancy it was the[pg 39] same thing with mohammedan conquerors in india. well, i am afraid that we shall see a number of things that will disgust us before the siege is over. if i were fighting solely for the heratees, i should certainly retire if they continue these barbarities. but i have no interest whatever in them; in fact, i see that the greater portion of the population would be benefited by living under the persian rule. i go into this matter solely because it is one i consider of vital interest to england, and therefore, as an englishman i am willing to do my utmost to keep, not the persians, but the russians from seizing this place."

angus had now completely caught the enthusiasm of the young artilleryman. he was perhaps less horrified than his companion, for he had seen so much of eastern modes of punishment, that he had learned to regard them with less horror than that felt by europeans unaccustomed to oriental methods.

"i have been accustomed to look on at acts of brutality," he said, "for from the time when i first came out, my father always impressed upon me that we were strangers in this part of the world, and must be very cautious not to show any aversion to its customs. it would lead us into endless trouble if we were to show in any way that what to them seems only natural, was to us revolting; and though i have often been tempted to interfere when i have seen some act of brutality, i have always followed my father's instructions, and walked away without showing any anger or disgust. i agree with you that it is horrid, but it is not like seeing living men tortured; at least, when one is dead it can make no great difference if one is buried with a head or without one."

pottinger laughed. "that is certainly one way of looking at it, and i can understand that as the custom has prevailed among these peoples for centuries they can scarcely under[pg 40]stand our feelings of abhorrence and indignation. however, i am determined that, whatever i do or feel, i will keep my mouth shut, and not say a word that would anger the wuzeer and shake my influence with him. at present he is well disposed towards me, and i have been of real assistance to him. when things become critical i may be of vital service. from what kajar says there is a strong suspicion that he is not personally brave, which i can quite believe, as very few thorough-paced brutes are. now old shah kamran is, i must own, an exception; an absolutely greater scoundrel than he has proved himself to be probably never existed, but he is known to have been in his earlier days as brave as a lion. if he had been some twenty years younger i should have stronger hopes of eventual success than i have now. personal bravery in a general is of no extraordinary advantage in a european army, where he is not expected to lead men into battle, but with irregular troops like these heratees it is of vital importance. they will follow their leader anywhere, but if he sends them into danger while he himself remains at a distance, they lose their enthusiasm directly, and are half thrashed before the battle begins."

"do you not think that kamran will be able at any important moment to come forward and show himself among the defenders of the breach? i hear that only a month or so ago he returned from a campaign."

"i am afraid not. i have seen him twice, and although it cannot be said that he is an imbecile, he is next door to it. he understands what is going on, but his nerves are utterly shattered by drink; he is in what may be termed the lachrymose condition of drunkenness. he works himself into a state of childish passion; sometimes he raves, then he whimpers. certainly his appearance would have no inspiring effect upon these rough afghan soldiers. they want a man who would rush sword in hand at their head, call upon them to[pg 41] follow him, and then dash into the middle of the foe, and the miserable old man could scarcely hold a sword in his shaking hand."

"well, at any rate, the afghans have fought bravely yesterday and to-day."

"excellently; but it is the work they are accustomed to. an afghan battle consists of two sets of men snugly hidden away among the rocks, firing away at each other until one side loses a few men and then retires. so they were quite at home at their skirmishing work, and certainly more than a match for the same number of persians. what they will do when an attack on a breach is made by a column remains to be seen."

night and day the heratees worked at their defences, while the persians raised batteries and fortified their camp against sudden attacks. after four or five days of comparative quiet a heavy cannonade broke out. artillery played upon the walls, mortars threw shell into the town, and rockets whizzed overhead. for a time the consternation in the city was prodigious; the rockets especially, which were altogether new to them, appalled the inhabitants, who, as night came on, gathered on the roofs of their houses and watched with affright the sharp trains of light, and shuddered at the sound of the fiery missiles. the sound of lamentation, the cries of fear, and the prayers to allah resounded over the city; but the panic abated somewhat when it was found that comparatively little injury was effected. but while the peaceful inhabitants wailed and prayed, the troops and the men who had come in from the afghan villages laboured steadily and silently at the work of repairing the damages effected by the fire of the persian batteries.

but little could be done to the face of the wall, but the crumbling parapets and earth dug up from open spaces were used to construct a fresh wall behind the old one at points[pg 42] against which the persian guns played most fiercely, so that when a breach was formed the assailants would find an unlooked-for obstacle to their entrance into the town. this work was directed by pottinger, who took but little rest, remaining constantly at his post, and only snatching an hour's sleep now and then. angus assisted to the best of his power, always taking his place when his comrade could no longer battle against sleep, and seeing that everything went on well. the afghans yielded a willing obedience to the orders of these young strangers. they saw the utility of the work upon which they were engaged, and laboured well and steadily. the persian artillery were, fortunately for the besieged, badly commanded. instead of concentrating their fire upon one spot, in which case a breach would have been effected in a few hours, each gunner directed his aim as he thought best, and the shot which, if poured upon a single point, would have brought down the crumbling wall, effected no material damage, scattered as it was over a face a mile in length.

it was all the less effective, inasmuch as the artillerymen generally aimed at the parapet of the wall instead of the solid portion below it. it was a delight to them to see a portion of the parapet knocked down by their shot, whereas when the wall itself was hit comparatively small show was made. many of the shot flew high and passed over the town into the fields beyond it, and at the end of four days' almost continuous firing, herat was stronger and more capable of resistance than it was when the persians first appeared before the walls. the absence of any tangible result evidently lowered the spirits of the besiegers, while it proportionately raised those of the defenders. moreover, the immense expenditure of projectiles by the persians showed the shah and his generals that, large as was the store of ammunition they had brought with them, it might prove insufficient, and the labour and time which would be entailed in renewing the[pg 43] supply from the magazines at the capital would be enormous. consequently the fire became irregular, sometimes for an hour or two all the batteries would play, while at other times only a few guns would be discharged in the course of an hour.

the shells that were thrown into the city did much more damage than the round shot of the batteries. many houses were almost destroyed by them, and whole families killed. these, however, were for the most part peaceable sheeahs, and the matter in no way affected the defenders of the wall, whose spirits rose daily as they perceived that the persian artillery was by no means so formidable as they had anticipated. the persians made no attempt to blockade the city, evidently fearing the sorties the defenders made, and confined their operations to that side of the city before which they were encamped. this was a great advantage to the besieged. three out of the five gates of the city stood open, communications were maintained with the surrounding country, the cattle and other animals went out to graze, and firewood and other commodities passed freely into the town.

throughout december the persians were harassed by nightly attacks. the working parties in their entrenchments were driven out, tools carried off, the workmen killed, and the work performed during the day destroyed, the assailants retiring before heavy masses of infantry could be brought up to repel them. upon many days scarce a shot was fired, then for a few hours there would be a lively cannonade, but of the same scattered and wasteful fashion as before.

on december 26th all the persian prisoners who had been captured in the sorties were sent off for sale to the frontier of the turkoman country. the shah retaliated by putting to death in various cruel manners the afghan prisoners who had fallen into his hands. two days later a mine was sprung and a breach effected in the wall. the persians advanced to[pg 44] storm it, but were met with the greatest resolution by the heratees, who repulsed them with considerable loss, their leader being severely wounded, and a deserter from herat, a man of high military reputation among the afghans, killed—a fact that caused almost as much joy to the defenders as the repulse of the assault. the success, however, of the mine, and the knowledge that the persians were engaged in driving several tunnels towards the wall, caused a considerable feeling of uneasiness. nevertheless, the 30th, which was the day of the termination of the long mohammedan fast, was celebrated with the usual rejoicings, which the besieged were enabled to take part in without fear of an attack, as the day was being celebrated with similar festivities in the persian camp.

shah kamran went with his family in procession to the principal mosque, and after the conclusion of the prayers usual to the occasion, observed the custom of scattering sweetmeats to be scrambled for by the priests. to their disappointment, however, he did not follow this up by inviting them to a banquet, but sent extra provisions to the troops and the workers on the walls. there was now a pause in active operations for more than three weeks. the persians laboured at their mines, but either from ignorance of their work, or on account of the water flowing from the moat into their galleries, no damage resulted. the heratees countermined under the advice of pottinger, but beyond proving that the persian galleries were not being driven where they expected, nothing came of it. but on the 26th of january the afghans determined to give battle to the persians in the open. again the whole population gathered on the walls, and the two young englishmen were also there.

"the wuzeer asked me this morning whether i would go out with them," pottinger said to angus, "but i replied that, although acquainted with artillery and siege operations, i did[pg 45] not know enough of the afghan way of fighting to accept even a small command in the field. i am useful here," he went on, "and i should be of no use whatever outside. the afghans have their own ideas as to when to advance and when to retreat; besides, it might offend some of the leaders were i, a stranger, to interfere in any way. there is no jealousy of me at present, at least i think not. they know nothing of sieges, and there is no one who holds any special post in connection with the fortifications. no one therefore feels superseded. in the next place, the work is for the most part carried out by labourers, who get paid for their services, and not by the troops, and it is nothing to them whether they get their orders from an englishman or an afghan. in an attack on a breach i should certainly fight; in the first place, because i consider it my duty, and in the second, because, if the persians get inside the walls, you may be sure that there will be something like a general massacre."

the afghan cavalry and infantry poured out from the gate, and spread themselves over the open country to the east of the persian camp. the men on foot took possession of a village, and established themselves in its houses and the gardens surrounding it. from the wall a view could be obtained of the movements in the enemy's camp. the vedettes had fallen back as soon as the afghans issued out, drums were beaten and horns sounded, the troops ran hastily together, and their general, mahomed khan, could be seen galloping about issuing orders. presently a strong column moved out. it was headed by cavalry; and as soon as these made their appearance the afghan horse galloped across the plain, while the crowd on the walls burst into shouts of encouragement, although the troops were too far off to hear them.

"it is a pretty sight, angus, but about as unlike modern warfare as could well be. european cavalry seeing a mob of horsemen coming down upon them in such disorder would[pg 46] ride at them, and no irregular horse could withstand the impact of a well-disciplined and compact cavalry charge. there, the persians are forming line; but there is no smartness about it, it is done in a half-hearted sort of way, as if they did not like the business before them. there, they are off; but they are too slow, they won't be fairly in a gallop before the afghans are upon them."

for a minute or two the contending bodies were mixed in a confused mass, then the shouts of the spectators rose high as the persians could be seen flying towards their infantry hotly pursued by the afghans. then came the rattle of musketry, the quick reports of cannon, as the infantry and artillery covered the retreat of their cavalry. presently the heratee horse were seen retiring from the village in which the struggle had taken place; another body, which had not yet been engaged, instead of riding forward to support them, also, turned, and for a time all rode off, while the persian cavalry were reinforced from the camp and pursued them. the heratees soon recovered themselves and again charged, but again the leading squadrons were badly supported by those behind. these were under another leader, who was probably influenced by jealousy or by tribal hostility, and the persian horse, well supported by their infantry, gradually gained the advantage, their own infantry coming to the support. the afghan footmen also advanced, and the fight was maintained during the whole day.

"it is like playing at war," pottinger said irritably; "except in that first charge they have never really come to blows. it is skirmishing rather than fighting. here there are some ten or twelve thousand men, taking both sides, cavalry, infantry, and a few guns. i don't think that when our men come in again it will be found that they have lost a hundred, and i don't suppose the persians have lost much more. it is a fair field for fighting, and between two euro[pg 47]pean forces of the same strength a long day's battle would probably have caused three or four thousand casualties. one would think that neither party was in earnest. certainly the heratees are, though i don't suppose the persian soldiers have any particular personal interest in the matter."

the action was altogether indecisive, and at the end of the day the persians held no ground beyond the village where their infantry first opened fire, while the heratees had gained nothing by their sortie. when the afghans re-entered the walls it was found that pottinger's estimate as to the amount of loss was very near the truth; there were between twenty-five and thirty killed, and some four times as many wounded, more or less seriously. they of course claimed a victory, and were highly satisfied with their own doings, but the operations only tended to show that neither party had any eagerness for real fighting.

on the 7th of february pottinger said: "i have received permission to go into the persian camp to-morrow. kamran has given me a message on his part to the persian king. it is an appeal to him to retire. he says that when khorassan was in rebellion he refused the entreaties of its chief to aid them, although at that time he could have raised ten thousand horsemen, and might, with the rebels of khorassan, have marched to teheran. he had sent one of his highest officers to congratulate the shah on his succession, and now the latter is without provocation marching against him. he prays him therefore to retire, to aid him with guns and men to recover the dominions he has lost in afghanistan, and if he be successful he will hand over herat to him. yar mahomed has also given me a message to the persian minister, just the sort of message i should have expected from him. he declares that he is devoted to the shah and to him, but that he is bound to stand by his master. that whatever might be his own wish, the afghans would never surrender the city, and[pg 48] that he dare not propose such a thing to them, but that he shall ever remain the faithful servant of the shah and of the minister whom he regards as his father. i will take you with me if you wish, but that must be a matter for your own consideration."

"i should, of course, like to go," angus said, "but i do not know that it would be wise for me to do so. mr. m'neill may be in the persian camp. it is not probable that i should be recognized, still there must be many officials there who came frequently to see him at the embassy, and who would know me. should one of these declare that i was a member of the mission, it might create a very bad impression against m'neill, as it would seem that he was in secret communication with kamran."

"that is just what i was thinking," pottinger said, "and i must say that i agree with you. it certainly would be awkward for him if it were known that one of his suite was in herat. yes, i think it would be better that you should not go. we shall certainly be the centre of curiosity while we are in the camp, and there would be no possibility of private communications between you and m'neill. but should i see him have you any message for him? i think we have agreed that when this business is over it will be much better for you to go with me back to india than to return to teheran."

"yes, i have quite settled that," angus said. "with the kind offer you have made to present me to your uncle i should think that the prospect of my obtaining advancement there is very much greater than it is in persia, where i might be left altogether in the lurch if m'neill were recalled. i shall be obliged, therefore, if you will tell him of my intention, and thank him for me very heartily for his kindness. he will, i am sure, approve of the step, for he has several times told me that he was sorry he could see no chance of my ob[pg 49]taining more than a clerkship at the mission, and advised me on no account to think of remaining there if i could see my way to doing better for myself."

"i will be sure to give m'neill the message if i see him but i don't expect to be long in the camp. i am charged with such a ridiculous message that there is no likelihood of any discussion taking place. the minister will, of course, scoff at yar mahomed's declarations of respect for the shah and affection for himself, and the shah, after taking the trouble to collect an army and come here himself, is not likely to retire at the request of kamran. my real hope in going is that i may find a british officer with the persians. there is almost certain to be one, as the russians have, it is said, several. through him i may send messages to friends at home and to my uncle in scinde. they must all begin to feel anxious about me."

angus saw his companion ride out the next morning with some anxiety as to his reception, but with no particular regret that he did not accompany him. he had often been in the encampments of the persian troops before the army left teheran, and there would therefore be nothing new to him in the scene. pottinger as usual wore the dress of an afghan of some standing, and was accompanied only by one mounted attendant and a runner to hold his horse. a small party of afghans rode with him for some distance beyond the walls, and then, shouting good wishes for his return in safety, left him. angus continued to watch the men at their work for two or three hours, and then took his place on the walls again and watched for his comrade's return. it was not, however, till the 10th that he came back to herat.

on the previous day he was prevented from returning by a violent storm which raged from morning till night, and considerable anxiety was felt in the town. that he had gone on a mission from kamran was generally known, but none[pg 50] save the shah and his wuzeer were aware of its nature. angus was much alarmed, as he thought it too probable that his friend had been shot by the persian outposts as soon as he arrived among them, for there was nothing to show that he came as an envoy. he was therefore greatly relieved when a native brought the news to him that the englishman was returning. as the news spread it caused great excitement. when pottinger rode in at the gate a great crowd had assembled there, and all thronged round him asking for information. he replied that they must enquire of the wuzeer, who alone could deliver it. as he saw angus in the crowd he shouted to him, "as i expected, nothing has come of it; meet me at the house."

an hour later pottinger arrived there. "i was getting very anxious about you," angus said, "and was beginning to fear that you had been shot by the persian outposts."

"i was a little uncomfortable myself, and i kept a good look-out, as you may suppose. the roads led through those ruined villages, and at any moment i might have a bullet whizzing about my ears. presently i saw some persian soldiers running towards the road, and i told my man to take off his turban and wave it to show that our intentions were peaceable. when they perceived this they came straggling up. i told them that i was an english officer, and the bearer of messages to the shah and his minister. they seemed delighted, chiefly perhaps from the fact of my being an englishman, but also because they hoped that i had come with an offer of surrender. however, they shouted 'welcome, welcome! the english were always friends of the shah.' the officer who commanded the picket turned out to be a major who had served under major hart, and who knew all the english officers who had of late years been in persia. he took me to the major-general commanding the attack, who turned out to be a russian in the persian service command[pg 51]ing a corps of russians—men who had left their own country for doubtless good reasons. at any rate, he received me courteously. we had tea, and smoked a pipe together, and he then sent me on with an escort to the persian camp.

map

afghanistan

and

north west frontier

of india

"the news that someone had come in from herat to arrange terms for its submission having preceded me, almost the whole camp came out to see me, and if my escort had not used their iron ramrods most vigorously upon the heads and shoulders of the crowd i should never have got through. when i reached the minister's tent he received me graciously, but we did not enter into business; it was necessary that the shah should first decide whether he would receive me.

"i had learned from the russian general that colonel stoddart was in camp. as it was known before i left india that he would accompany the persians i had letters for him, and received permission to go to his tent to deliver them. his astonishment at finding that i was a british officer was, as you may imagine, great. however, i had but little time to talk, for in a few minutes a message came that i was to go back at once to the minister, or, as he is called there as well as here, the wuzeer. stoddart accompanied me. the persian asked me what were the messages that, as he had been informed, kamran and yar mahomed had sent to the shah and himself. i told him that i could only deliver kamran's message to the shah, and that i thought his own message had better be given him privately.

"the wuzeer, who is a bilious and excitable little man, sent everyone out from the tent but stoddart and myself, and i then delivered the message. we had a long discussion. the wuzeer declared that the english themselves had put down herat as forming part of the persian dominions in the map that burnes had made. i said that i thought not. he produced the map to convince me, but to the little man's intense[pg 52] disgust he found that he was altogether wrong. he then appealed to stoddart. the latter, as our military representative at the shah's court, replied diplomatically that he had no instructions on the subject, and would refer the case to the envoy at teheran. (m'neill, by the by, has not yet reached the camp.) stoddart said that he was not aware that the persian government had annexed herat, as its ruler had, both with the british government and the late shah, been acknowledged as sovereign in afghanistan; so, as i expected, nothing came of the interview. we went back to stoddart's tent, and shortly afterwards were sent for by the shah. he received us with courtesy, and i delivered kamran's message.

"the shah replied, speaking with dignity and calmness, and stating his complaints against kamran, that he had permitted his soldiers constantly to make incursions into persian dominions, robbing and slaying, and carrying off persian subjects to sell as slaves; then gradually warming up as he recited a number of such forays and depredations, he denounced kamran as a treacherous liar, and said that he would not rest satisfied until he had planted a persian garrison in the city of herat. of course there was nothing more to be said. we were formally, though courteously, dismissed, and i went back with stoddart to his tent, where i remained till this morning. i was by no means sorry that the tremendous storm yesterday afforded an excuse for stopping, and i enjoyed my day of quiet talk with stoddart immensely.

"he thinks that if the persians do but make an attack with all their strength the town must be taken, in which i entirely agree with him. he said, however, that, as the slackness of their fire for some time past has shown, the persians are heartily sick of the business, and if the shah had some really good excuse for retiring he would gladly do so. i said that the best excuse would be some strong action on the part of our government. he replied that he had himself[pg 53] urged this upon m'neill, and that the envoy had already written urgently home in that sense. of course i told him of your being there. he had already heard from m'neill that he had sent you here to encourage kamran to hold out. he asked a good deal about you, and quite agreed with me that with your knowledge of languages—and i told him that in the three months during which you had been here you had already learned enough pushtoo to converse in it freely—you would be sure to get an appointment in india, as it was extremely probable that an army would shortly be sent into afghanistan to support shah soojah against dost mahomed, especially as the latter had received vickovich, an aide-de-camp to the governor of orenburg, as an envoy at cabul.

"of course i had heard about the intention of supporting dost mahomed before i started. i know that my uncle and mr. burnes, who is our agent at cabul, are both strongly opposed to this. dost mahomed has always defeated shah soojah, he is firmly established on his throne, and burnes believes that he is very well disposed towards us. however, that is not our affair; but if there should be such an expedition it much increases your chance of obtaining an official post. i took the opportunity to write to my uncle and to send my report to the indian government, and in both cases i stated that i had received the most valuable assistance from a young gentleman who was temporarily attached to the mission at teheran, and who, speaking as he did, persian, pushtoo, and arabic, would, i considered, be of great service should any difficulties arise with afghanistan. i said that i had seized the opportunity of recommending you, as it was possible that i myself might fall in the defence of herat."

"it was awfully kind of you, pottinger, and i am extremely obliged to you."

"i felt that i was acting in the interest of the indian[pg 54] government as well as of yourself. the siege may last for another month yet, and by the end of that time you will be able to pass as easily as an afghan as you now can as a persian, and may be invaluable; for as we have as yet had very little contact with afghanistan there are not, i should say, half a dozen officers in our service who can speak pushtoo—probably not one who could do so well enough to pass as a native. i myself knew but little of it when i started, so my disguise was that of a cutch horse-dealer, and i passed through afghanistan as a native of india. even now i do not speak pushtoo as well as you do, having devoted myself to persian, while you have been working at afghan. for your sake i hope that the siege may last for some time yet, as it may be a great advantage to you when you apply for an official post to be able to say that you can pass anywhere as a native."