the ride from west river—a fellow passenger—parallels of history—one hundred romances—baron de castine—his character—made chief of the abenaquis—duke of york's charter—encroachments of the puritans—church's indian wars—false reports—reflections.

it would make a curious collection of pictures if i had obtained photographs of all the coaches i travelled in, and upon, during my brief sojourn in the province; some high, some low, some red, some green, or yellow as it chanced, with horses few or many, often superior animals—stylish, fast, and sound; and again, the most diminutive of ponies, such as monsieur the clown drives into the ring of his canvass coliseum when he utters the pleasant salute of "here i am, with all my little family?" this morning we have the old, familiar stage-coach of yankee land—red, picked out with yellow; high, narrow, iron steps; broad thoroughbraces; wide seats; all jingle, tip, tilt, and rock, from one end of the road to the other. my fellow traveller on the box is a little man with a big hat; soft spoken, sweet[pg 213] voiced, and excessively shy and modest. but this was a most pleasing change from the experiences of the last few hours, let me tell you; and, if you ever travel by west river, you will find any change pleasant—no matter what.

my companion was shy, but not taciturn; on the contrary, he could talk well enough after the ice was broken, and long enough, too, for that matter. i found that he was a church of england clergyman by profession, and a welshman by birth. he was well versed in the earlier history of the colony—that portion of it which is by far the most interesting—i mean its french or acadian period. "there are in the traditions and scattered fragments of history that yet survive in this once unhappy land," he said, in a peculiarly low and mellifluous voice, "much that deserves to be embalmed in story and in poetry. your longfellow has already preserved one of the most touching of its incidents; but i think i am safe in asserting that there yet remain the materials of one hundred romances. take the whole history of acadia during the seventeenth century—the almost patriarchal simplicity of its society, the kindness, the innocence, the virtues of its people; the universal toleration which prevailed among them, in spite of the interference of the home government; look,"[pg 214] said he, "at the perfect and abiding faith which existed between them and the indians! does the world-renowned story of william penn alone merit our encomiums, except that we have forgotten this earlier but not less beautiful example? and with the true spirit of christianity, when they refused to take up arms in their own defence, preferring rather to die by their faith than shed the blood of other men; to what parallel in history can we turn, if not to the martyred hussites, for whom humanity has not yet dried all its tears?"

as he said this, a little flush passed over his face, and he appeared for a moment as if surprised at his own enthusiasm; then shrinking under his big hat again, he relapsed into silence.

we rode on for some time without a word on either side, until i ventured to remark that i coincided with him in the belief that acadia was the romantic ground of early discovery in america; and that even the fluent pen of hawthorne had failed to lend a charm to the harsh, repulsive, acrimonious features of new england's colonial history.

"i have read but one book of hawthorne's," said he—"'the scarlet letter.' i do not coincide with you; i think that to be a remarkable instance of the triumph of genius over difficulties. by the way," said he, "speaking of authors, what an ex[pg 215]quisite poem tom moore would have written, had he visited chapel island, which you have seen no doubt? (here he gave a little nod with the big hat) and what a rich volume would have dropped from the arabesque pen of your own irving (another nod), had he written the life of the baron de st. castine, chief of the abenaquis, as he did that of philip of pokanoket."

"do you know the particulars of that history?" said i.

"i do not know the particulars," he replied, "only the outlines derived from chronicle and tradition. imagination," he added, with a faint smile, "can supply the rest, just as an engineer pacing a bastion can draw from it the proportions of the rest of the fortress."

and then, from under the shelter of the big hat, there came low and sad tones of music, like a requiem over a bier, upon which are laid funeral flowers, and sword, and plume; a melancholy voice almost intoning the history of a christian hero, who had been the chief of that powerful nation—the rightful owners of the fair lands around us. even if memory could now supply the words, it would fail to reproduce the effect conveyed by the tones of that voice. and of the story itself i can but furnish the faint outlines:[pg 216]

faint outlines.

baron de st. castine, chief of the abenaquis, was a frenchman, born in the little village of oberon, in the province of bearn, about the middle of the seventeenth century. three great influences conspired to make him unhappy—first, education, which at that time was held to be a reputable part of the discipline of the scions of noble families; next, a delicate and impressible mind, and lastly, he was born under the shadow of the pyrenees, and within sight of the atlantic. he had also served in the wars of louis xiv. as colonel of the carrignan, cavignon, or corignon regiment; therefore, from his military education, was formed to endure, or to think lightly of hardships. although not by profession a protestant, yet he was a liberal catholic. the doctrines of calvin had been spread throughout the province during his youth, and john la placette, a native of bearn, was then one of the leaders of the free churches of copenhagen, in denmark, and of utrecht, in holland.

but, whatever his religious prejudices may have been, they do not intrude themselves in any part of his career; we know him only as a pure christian, an upright man, and a faithful friend of humanity. like many other[pg 217] frenchmen of birth and education in those days, the baron de st. castine had been attracted by descriptions of newly discovered countries in the western hemisphere, and fascinated by the ideal life of the children of nature. to a mind at once susceptible and heroic, impulsive by temperament, and disciplined to endure, such promptings have a charm that is irresistible. as the chronicler relates, he preferred the forests of acadia, to the pyrenian mountains that compassed the place of his nativity, and taking up his abode with the savages, on the first year behaved himself so among them as to draw from them their inexpressible esteem. he married a woman of the nation, and repudiating their example, did not change his wife, by which he taught his wild neighbors that god did not love inconstancy. by this woman, his first and only wife, he had one son and two daughters, the latter were afterwards married, "very handsomely, to frenchmen, and had good dowries." of the son there is preserved a single touching incident. in person the baron was strikingly handsome, a fine form, a well featured face, with a noble expression of candor, firmness and benevolence. possessed of an ample fortune, he used it to enlarge the comforts of the people of his adoption; these making him a recom[pg 218]pense in beaver skins and other rich furs, from which he drew a still larger revenue, to be in turn again devoted to the objects of his benevolence. it was said of him, "that he can draw from his coffers two or three hundred thousand crowns of good dry gold; but all the use he makes of it is to buy presents for his fellow savages, who, upon their return from hunting, present him with skins to treble the value."

is it then surprising that this man, so wise, so good, so faithful to his fellow savages, should, after twenty years, rise to the most eminent station in that unsophisticated nation? that indeed these simple indians, who knew no arts except those of peace and war, should have looked up to him as their tutular god? by the treaty of breda, the lands from the penobscots to nova scotia had been ceded to france, in exchange for the island of st. christopher. upon these lands the baron de st. castine had peacefully resided for many years, until a new patent was granted to the duke of york, the boundaries of which extended beyond the limits of the lands ceded by the treaty. oh, those patents! those patents! what wrongs were perpetrated by those remorseless instruments; what evil councils prevailed when they were hatched; what corrupt, what base, what knavish hands[pg 219] formed them; what vile, what ignoble, what ponderous lies has history assumed to maintain, or to excuse them, and the acts committed under them?

the first english aggression after the treaty, was but a trifling one in respect to immediate effects. a quantity of wine having been landed by a french vessel upon the lands covered by the patent, was seized by the duke of york's agents. this, upon a proper representation by the french ambassador at the court of charles ii., was restored to the rightful owners. but thereupon a new boundary line was run, and the whole of castine's plantations included within it. immediately after this, the rose frigate, under the command of captain andross, sailed up the penobscot, plundered and destroyed castine's house and fort, and sailed away with all his arms and goods. not only this, intruders from other quarters invaded the lands of the indians, took possession of the rivers, and spoiled the fisheries with seines, turned their cattle in to devour the standing corn of the abenaquis, and committed other depredations, which, although complained of, were neither inquired into nor redressed.

then came reprisals; and first the savages retaliated by killing the cattle of their enemies. then followed those fearful and bloody campaigns, which,[pg 220] under the name of church's indian wars, disgrace the early annals of new england. night surprises, butcheries that spared neither age nor sex, prisoners taken and sold abroad into slavery, after the glut of revenge was satiated, these to return and bring with them an inextinguishable hatred against the english, and desire of revenge. anon a conspiracy and the surprisal of dover, accompanied with all the appalling features of barbaric warfare—major waldron being tied down by the indians in his own arm-chair, and each one of them drawing a sharp knife across his breast, says with the stroke, "thus i cross out my account;" these, and other atrocities, on either side, constitute the principal records of a christian people, who professed to be only pilgrims and sojourners in a strange land—the victims of persecution in their own.

daring all this dark and bloody period, no name is more conspicuous in the annals than that of the chief of the abenaquis. like a frightful ogre, he hovers in the background, deadly and ubiquitous—the terror of the colonies. it was he who had stirred up the indians to do the work. then come reports of a massacre in some town on the frontier, and with it is coupled a whisper of "castine!" a fort has been surprised, he is there! some of church's men have fallen in an[pg 221] ambuscade; the baron has planned it, and furnished the arms and ammunition by which the deed was consummated! superstition invests him with imaginary powers; fanaticism exclaims, 'tis he who had taught the savages to believe that we are the people who crucified the saviour.

but in spite of all these stories, the wonderful bernese is not captured, nor indeed seen by any, except that sometimes an english prisoner escaping from the enemy, comes to tell of his clemency and tenderness; he has bound up the wounds of these, he has saved the lives of those. at last a small settlement of french and indians is attacked by church's men at penobscot, every person there being either killed or taken prisoner; among the latter a daughter of the great baron, with her children, from whom they learn that her unhappy father, ruined and broken-hearted, had returned to france, the victim of persecutors, who, under the name of saints, exhibited a cruelty and rapacity that would have disgraced the reputation of a philip or an alva!

"it is a matter of surprise to the historical student," said the little man, "that with a people like yours, so conspicuous in many rare examples of erudition, that the history of acadia has not merited a closer attention, throwing as it does so[pg 222] strong a reflective light upon your own. such a task doubtless does not present many inviting features, especially to those who would preserve, at any sacrifice of truth, the earlier pages of discovery in america, pure, spotless, and unsullied. but i think this dark, tragic background would set off all the brighter the characters of those really good men who flourished in that period, of whom there were no doubt many, although now obscured by the dull, dead moonshine of indiscriminate forefathers' flattery. i know very well that in some regards we might copy the example of a few of the first planters of new england, but for the rest i believe with adam clark, that for the sake of humanity, it were better that such ages should never return."

"we talk much," says he, "of ancient manners, their simplicity and ingenuousness, and say that the former days were better than these. but who says this who is a judge of the times? in those days of celebrated simplicity, there were not so many crimes as at present, i grant; but what they wanted in number, they made up in degree; deceit, cruelty, rapine, murder, and wrong of almost every kind, then flourished. we are refined in our vices, they were gross and barbarous in theirs. they had neither so many ways nor so many means of sinning; but the sum of their moral turpi[pg 223]tude was greater than ours. we have a sort of decency and good breeding, which lay a certain restraint on our passions; they were boorish and beastly, and their bad passions ever in full play. civilization prevents barbarity and atrocity; mental cultivation induces decency of manners—those primitive times were generally without these. who that knows them would wish such ages to return?"[a]