we wound up our first part with a draft on parochial records; and we enter on our second part with a further taxation of the same fruitful and unimpeachable source. those familiar with the life of our ancient universities only in its more modern and luxurious aspects may prepare for revelations of the most startling character, for oxford and cambridge were nurtured not only in poverty, but in authorized mendicancy and—a learned phrase may be excused—regulated hypothecation. that clerks in those early days were not ashamed to beg is susceptible of various sorts of proof, one of which consists in the help so frequently afforded them by generous churchwardens. let us glance at some sixteenth-century books of accounts:

ashburton, devon

1568. "in gyft to too scolers of oxenford iiijs iiijd"

1575. "to a skoler of oxeford vjd"

1578. "to a skoler of oxford iijs iiijd"

tavistock

1573. "geven to a skoler of oxford xijd"

woodbury, devon

1581. "pd to tow skolowers of oxford vijd"

1588. "pd to a scholar that came fro

oxford named edward carrow viijd"

1589. "pd to richard crokhey a scholar vjd"

(according to the "alumni oxon." edward carrow was elected student of christ church, 1575, from westminster school; and richard crocker, b.a., from exeter college, 1594.)

plymouth

1583. "pd to two schollers the xj of june iijs iiijd"

"geven to a scholler to bringe hym to oxenford vjs viiijd"

barnstaple

1583. "paid as a gift to a scholar at oxford 1s"

1603. "given to a poore scholler by the

consent of mr. moore, vicar 0 0 6"

it is worthy of note that the amounts bestowed on this deserving class were in excess of the sums meted out to ordinary "travellers." it is also a fact that, while mention is often made of oxford scholars, the reverse is the case with cambridge men. on referring to willis and clark's "history of the university of cambridge" we find that although notices occur of scholars in menial employment there is no indication that begging licences were granted them. still, the following entries prove that occasionally incipient cambridge men received public assistance.

sheffield

1573. "gave to william lee, a pore

scholler of sheffield, towards the

settynge him to the universitye

of cambridge and buyinge him

bookes and other furnyture vijs iiijd"

cawthorne, yorkshire

1663. "collected in ye parish church of

cawthorne, for thomas carr, a

poor scholler, who was going to

cambridge, and borne in ye parish

of ecckesfield, the sum of 6s. 6d."

from the beginning of the reign of james i. there are few entries relating to scholars "of oxford." those of other places, however, are named to the time of charles ii., and some of them must have belonged to oxford, their native place being recorded in lieu of the university.

youlgreave, derbyshire

1623. "to a poore scholler of bakewell 0 1 0"

heavitree, devon

1667. "given towards the maintenance of

one laskey, a poor scholler for oxforde ￡4"

(this was one nicholas laskey, who was a son of henry laskey, of heavitree, and was entered in the books of wadham college as "filius pauperis." he matriculated may 23, 1667, at the age of seventeen; and was rector of eggesford in 1674, and of worthington in 1687.)

these examples are all comparatively late, but we may be certain that the practice to which they bear testimony had existed at a much earlier period, when contributions had been sought, not only from custodians of church funds, but from private persons, to whose charitable instincts or devout inclinations necessitous clerks successfully appealed. chaucer says of his clerk of oxenford:

yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre:

but al that he myghte of his frendes hente,

on bokes and on lerning he it spente,

and bisily gan for the soules preye

of hem that gaf him wher-with to scolaye.

this diligent and conscientious student "loked holwe," and his "courtefy" was threadbare.

in ms. lansdowne 762 is a poem wherein a husbandman is represented as complaining of the many charges of which he is the subject—taxes to the court, payments to the church, and exactions in the name of charity. included in the last of these categories is alms to scholars:

than cometh clerkys of oxford and make their mone;

to her schole-hire they must have money.

it is hardly likely, perhaps, that such "scholar-gypsies" always procured licences, but such were issued, and, when obtained, were doubtless efficacious in promoting the object which the applicant had in view. the following is a specimen in english dress, the original being in latin, and dated july 15, 1467:

"to the whole of the sons of holy mother church, to whom the present letter may come, thomas chaundler, professor of sacred theology, and chancellor of the university of oxford, greeting in the saviour of all.

"know the whole of you that we, with full affection, recommend to your worships by reason of his deserts n., a scholar of this university, a peaceable, and honest, and praiseworthy student, strongly beseeching you that when he shall chance to traverse your places, lands, castles, towns, fortresses, lordships, jurisdictions, and passages, ye freely suffer him to cross them without let, trouble, arrest, or injury, with his goods and chattels, or to make halt in his expeditions; and if at any time it shall befall that wrong be done him in person, chattels, or goods, ye deign to remedy the same as may behove in remembrance of the aforesaid university. further, deign to assist him, when need press, with your charitable favours, receive him whom we recommend, and succour him with the protection of charity, devoutly considering that him who pitieth shall god also pity in meet and acceptable time.

"given at oxford, under the seal of the office of the chancellery of the aforesaid university on the fifth day of the month of july in the fourteenth hundred and sixtieth year of our lord."

from the wording of this letter-testimonial it would be a reasonable inference that it was granted to enable the recipient to travel to his home or some other place, but in certain cases the object may have been to replenish an exhausted purse and aid the distressed scholar to complete his academic course.

"many," remarks mr. a. clark, "were in a condition of extreme poverty, which it is now difficult to recognize or even to imagine.... [they] were exempted from university and college dues, and lived from what they received from colleges or individual graduates in payment of the different menial services which they rendered." he gives a list of fifteen oxford scholars to whom licences were accorded between 1551 and 1572, their duration varying from seven weeks to eight months. in the sixteenth century such passports had become necessary, or, at least, the absence of them, where scholars resorted to begging for a livelihood, was attended with serious risk. by the 4th section of the act of 22 henry viii. c. 12: "scolers of the universities of oxford & cambrydge that goo about beggyng, not being aucthorysed under the seale of the sayde universities," were to be punished as idle rogues, and that punishment was far from light. this section was included in the act of elizabeth of 1571-2, but omitted from that of 1596-7.

scholars were often reduced not only to beg, but to borrow; and as this method of raising money might not always have been easy, even where security was offered, a system of pledging was devised by the authorities for the benefit of impecunious members of the university, both high and low. in all essentials this department is hardly distinguishable from a pawnbroking establishment conducted under respectable auspices, but we should go sadly astray if we suffered our views of the institution to be tinged by the associations of a dingy shop in some back street in which hopeless penury plays its last shift. we should rather turn our eyes to the beatific vision of the mons pietatis as pictured by botticelli—a hillock of florins, with the kneeling forms of worthy suppliants and the cloud-borne founder crowned by angelic hands. the poor scholar did not part definitely with his cherished possession; he might hope to recover it in sunnier days, and meanwhile he was enabled to tide himself over an awkward emergency. at the same time the brokers took care to make the transaction a source of profit to the university.

the earliest benefaction for the support of scholars at oxford consisted in the annual payment of forty shillings by the townsmen in atonement for the execution of certain clerks. in the year 1219 this charge was undertaken by the abbey of eynsham, by which the fine was punctually disbursed to the period of its dissolution. a similar but smaller contribution was made by the abbey of oseney, but nothing is known as to its origin. irregularities in the application of these funds induced the chancellor, robert grosseteste, in 1240, to frame an ordinance which resulted in the creation of the "frideswyde chest." this treasury was the parent of many others—at the close of the fifteenth century there were as many as twenty-four—and it long remained the typical, as it was the earliest, form of scholastic benefaction, existing side by side with the foundation of colleges, to which it gave an important impetus. the management of these chests was, in all cases, practically identical. the preamble of the ordinance, by which the administration of the funds was regulated, first stated the name of the donor, and then proceeded to announce the desire of the university to requite his liberality by annual masses and celebrations. the beneficiaries also were enjoined to repeat so many "pater nosters" and "aves" for the repose of his soul.

next followed particulars of the sums that might be borrowed and those to whom they might be advanced, always on condition that a pledge of equal or greater value was first deposited by the borrower. the term within which the pledge might be redeemed was specified, as also the time at which an unredeemed pledge was to be sold after due notice had been given by public proclamation. it was usual to appoint as guardians a north and a south countryman, so as to obviate any complaints as to the allocation of the funds, and provision was made for the registration of loans and the audit of the accounts. the last chest to be founded—this was in the latter half of the sixteenth century—placed at the disposal of the university a sum raising the total amount to not less than two thousand marks; and the capital, not merely the interest, was available for the relief of embarrassed scholars. the pledges were valued by the sworn stationer of the university, and that they were expected to exceed in value the amount of the loan is shown by the terms of ordinances, in some of which the guardians are required to submit to the auditors an account of the capital and increase. in spite of precaution, however, cases of peculation were not unknown, for, on more than one occasion, guardians were accused of embezzlement, and there are statutes complaining of the "marvellous disappearance" of funds, the property of the university, and safeguarding their future administration.

the chests were divided into two categories—the "summer" and the "winter." this distinction seems to have been due to the date of the election of the guardians. in this matter, however, there was considerable variation, and in later ages the stipulations of the ordinances, in which the bequests were embodied, ceased to be observed. another circumstance which deserves notice is that in the reforms instituted in the time of archbishop laud nearly all traces of this benevolent system were obliterated, and the names of founders—john pontysera, bishop of winchester, gilbert routhbury, philip turville, john langton, w. de seltone, dame joan danvers, etc.—consigned to the shades of academic oblivion. during the period when the funds were employed in conformity with the testator's design, the authorities, in their wisdom, ignored limitations of age, birth, and neighbourhood, and thus any member of the university, sophist or questionist, bachelor or master, was entitled to a share of the benefit. this wide charity cannot have met with unanimous approval. large as the fund was, it would hardly have sufficed for the needs of every ill-clothed and ill-fed scholar; and, in the distribution of the money, it would be only in accord with common experience of human nature if an enterprising official, whose eagerness had outstripped his resources, should be preferred to some pinched, obscure stripling, and receive a wholly disproportionate share of the eleemosynary grant.

as an illustration of what sometimes occurred, we may take the case of master henry sever, warden of merton hall. he had carried out certain repairs of the buildings, and, in order to discharge the bill, had borrowed from seltone chest the maximum amount permitted by the ordinance—sixty shillings. to obtain this advance he had pledged an illuminated missal of considerably greater value, and now he had come prepared to redeem it. he finds that the missal had been lent to some client for the purpose of inspection, a silver cup, estimated by the stationer to be worth even more, being deposited in its stead. this is not precisely what master sever had wanted. however, he takes the cup, assured that he will presently be able to negotiate an exchange with the person in possession of his missal.

this serves as a reminder that, if money was scarce, books—the mainspring of intellectual activity—were yet scarcer; and it is of the utmost interest to inquire how this famine of the arts was mitigated. oral lectures were the rule, but books could not be entirely dispensed with; and even wardens might not always be in a position to procure all the works of which they stood in need. the obvious remedy was a library or libraries; and such collections—they arrived in good time, chiefly through the bequests of virtuosi—constituted an invaluable resource to that vast horde of scholars whose scanty means would not allow them to purchase books. as the result of mr. blakiston's research, the famous library with which richard aungerville is said to have endowed durham college, and, according to adam de murimuth, filled five carts, turns out to be a myth or rather a pious intention. the good bishop died deep in debt, and the books, if preserved as a collection, went, it is now certain, elsewhere. thirty-five years later, however, another bishop, thomas cobham, of worcester, who died in 1327, bequeathed to the university a mass of books, and the statute referring to them provides that they shall be chained in convenient order in the "soler" over the old congregation house, where all the property of the university was stored. the books were to be in the custody of a chaplain, who was to pray for the soul of the donor.

another statute relates to a "chest of four keys," from which it appears that books were kept in coffers and lent upon indenture or security, exactly as was done in the case of money. it was also a by no means infrequent occurrence for persons to give or bequeath books on condition that they were chained in the chancel of the church for the use of scholars and periodically inspected by the chancellor and proctors. by far the greatest benefactor of the university in the matter of books was humphrey, duke of gloucester, who made many valuable presents during his lifetime, and on his death, in 1447, a final large instalment was added to the store. of these only one remains in the bodleian library, but in contemporary letters there are many notes expressing gratitude for, and appreciation of, this splendid munificence, which advanced the cause of learning more perhaps than any other donation recorded in the annals of the university.

the well-being of the librarian was, very properly, a subject of concern. by an ordinance of 1412 his stipend was raised, and he became recognized as one of the chief officers of the university. lest "hope deferred" should produce slackness in the performance of his duties, the proctors were bound to pay his salary regularly, and, as a further encouragement, every beneficed graduate, on his inception, was required to make him a present of clothes. a similar custom prevailed with regard to the bedels, and it is sententiously remarked that it would be absurd for one adorned with superior dignity to be endued with inferior privileges.

the ordinance of 1412 brought about other changes. at the outset the library was accessible to all scholars at stated times; permission was now confined to graduates or religious, and, in the case of the latter, to those who were of eight years' standing in philosophia. thus a monk named hardwyke, who did not possess this qualification, had to sue for a "grace," and even then the privilege was limited to one term. the reasons for these restrictions probably were that the undergraduate constituency in those days was composed, in a great degree, of careless and dirty boys, who would be apt to soil the manuscripts, while the monks had their own libraries, to which they could resort without encroaching on the slender resources of masters and bachelors. all graduates on admission were required to take a solemn oath that they would handle the books modo honesto et pacifico, nulli librorum per turpitudinem aut rasuras abolitionesque foliorum, pr?judicium inferendo.

the librarian was granted a month's vacation, and the library was closed on sundays and holy days, unless it should chance that a distinguished stranger desired to visit it, when leave was given him from sunrise to sunset, subject to the condition that he was not followed by a loud rabble. at all other times, the hours during which the library was open were from nine to eleven o'clock a.m., and from one to four o'clock p.m. suspended on the wall was a large board inscribed with the names both of the books and the donors "lest oblivion, the stepmother of memory, should pluck from our breasts the remembrance of our benefactors." to the same intent thrice every quarter a solemn mass of the holy ghost, and once every quarter a requiem mass, were said at the altar of st. katherine in the church of the blessed virgin. every night the books and the windows of the library were closed, and, with certain rare exceptions, books were not permitted to be removed.