an execution—a rebel chieftain—a bid for liberty—de-nam's mistake—linh-nghi speaks—a new road to tha?-nguyen—in the enemy's country—a sharp encounter—cho-trang—the fever-fiend—in the hospital—quang-yen.
the five prisoners captured with linh-nghi were executed the first week in august. they had been tried and condemned by the native mandarins entrusted with the administration of justice. these functionaries had come over on purpose from bac-ninh in great state, and the execution took place in an open space in front of our fort. we supplied a guard and picquet for the occasion.
none of the rebels had given any information, although it was whispered that the native judges had submitted them to torture during their interrogation. we had no means of controlling these rumours, for each morning the prisoners[pg 199] were handed over to the native police, and they were returned at night; and, although they slept in the fort, it was forbidden to communicate with them. from their appearance and evident exhaustion i should be inclined to think they had suffered maltreatment. there would be nothing very surprising in this, for according to the native code of justice such methods were not only recommended, but were actually indicated. it is certain that the rebels showed no mercy to the loyal natives or french soldiers they captured alive (fortunately it was rarely, indeed, that any of the latter fell into their hands), and subsequently it was destined that i should witness shocking proofs of the terrible cruelty they were capable of employing.
it is therefore probable that the native judges made use of all the powers afforded them by the law of the land, and did not employ european methods—for which, most likely, they possessed supreme contempt.
the execution was carried out in a very simple and expeditious manner.
when a rectangular space had been cleared and lined by the troops, the two mandarins,[pg 200] dressed in robes of embroidered silk, of which the dominant colours were red and gold, their long hair neatly rolled in a new crepon turban, took up a position in the middle of one side of the square, and facing the centre.
behind them were massed their retainers. bannermen carried tattered triangular flags, and coolies bore aloft enormous umbrellas—two to each official—whereon were painted in bright colours a quaint design of dragons and griffins. each mandarin was also accompanied by a sword-bearer, a pipe-bearer, and a domestic to whose care was confided a black-lacquered box containing the areca-nut and betel-leaf of his master. they formed a dirty, motley crowd, without order or cohesion—clad in shabby, tattered scarlet uniforms; and they laughed, chatted or squabbled, one with the other, like a pack of old fishwives.
they subsided into comparative silence, however, on the appearance of captain plessier, our commander, who occupied the place of honour, a little in advance of the two judges.
the prisoners were now brought into the enclosure, under the escort of a few linh-le[pg 201] (soldiers of the mandarin guard), whose dirty green uniforms and still dirtier rifles and accoutrements were certain proofs of their slovenly and undisciplined habits.
behind the little procession formed by the condemned men stalked the executioner, a tall native dressed in a red embroidered vest and black silk pantaloons. upon his shoulder he carried a heavy curved sword, about 3 feet long, and a good deal broader at the end than near the handle.
the five rebels, their hands tied behind them, walked to their death without any tremor or hesitation. chatting together merrily, they threw curious glances at their surroundings, and expectorated from time to time, with evident unconcern, the red juice of the betel-leaf they were chewing.
they were lined up, separated about four paces one from the other, on the opposite side of the square occupied by the authorities, and facing them.
as each of the prisoners reached the place assigned to him, a native soldier unbuttoned and turned back the collar of the rebel's vest; then,[pg 202] one after the other, they knelt upon the grass, taking every care that their position should be as comfortable as the circumstances would allow.
the sentence having been read aloud to the assembled natives, the executioner, after thrusting his finger into his mouth, traced a wet line of red betel juice across the back of the neck of the first of his victims, about half an inch above the last big vertebra. stepping back a pace, he swung aloft his heavy sword with both hands. it poised a second in the air; there was a glitter in the bright sunlight as it descended; then a swishing sound and a dull thud. the head of the first rebel, detached with a single blow, fell on the ground and rolled once over.
from the severed neck a rich red stream shot out quite 6 feet over the grass; the body rocked once and subsided gently. bending over it, the executioner touched the open arteries, and smeared a little of the warm blood over his own lips as a charm against any evil influence from the spirit of the departed.
the other prisoners, who had watched the execution of their comrade with evident interest,[pg 203] made flattering remarks concerning the skill of the swordsman.
the next to die smiled, and prepared himself calmly, stretching his neck as far forward as it was possible for him to do without losing his balance.
i felt deadly sick, and could not bring myself to watch the succeeding decapitations, which were carried out with similar skill and expedition.
the bodies of the condemned were handed over to their families, but their heads, attached to the top of a tall bamboo pole, were exposed at the entrance of the fort as an example to all rebels.
the authorities had decided not to hurry on the trial of linh-nghi, in the hope that they would eventually succeed in obtaining information from him. he was interrogated during several days by the two mandarins, who failed, however, to extract the slightest indication of the strength of the enemy or the whereabouts of their positions. after the departure of these functionaries, our commander made several attempts, with the aid of tho as an interpreter, to break through the reserve of the chieftain, but without success.
[pg 204]
the treatment accorded him was a humane one; his diet was unstinted, and his parents, an aged, white-haired couple, were allowed to visit him as often as they chose during the daytime. his wife—for so the woman whom we had found with him proved to be—remained constantly by him, and attended to all his wants.
to one privation only was he submitted, and that was the want of opium. on this point our captain was obdurate, and though linh-nghi, who was well supplied with money, offered to purchase the drug, his craving was not allowed satisfaction. to all his entreaties the same reply was given: "speak! tell us what we ask of you, and you shall have opium—the very best—at our expense."
only those who have witnessed the powerful hold the subtle drug takes on its votaries can imagine the torture endured by this native during the hours at which he had accustomed himself to indulge in his passion. these agonies, occurring shortly after the noon and evening meals, would commence by protracted yawnings, and develop into spasmodic, nervous contractions of the body and limbs, which broke into profuse[pg 205] perspiration. unable to stand the strain, the unhappy victim of the brilliant-hued, but treacherous flower, or rather its seed, would entreat his guards to supply him with the smallest particle at no matter what price; then, finding that his supplications were without avail, he would break into a torrent of invective and malediction, which grew in intensity and filthiness as his increasing and impotent rage neared its climax. then, speechless and foaming at the mouth, he would fall back on the hard, beaten-clay floor of the verandah, with mouth agape and black eyes fixed, staring at the roof above; his face, pale yellow, framed in the thick, tangled mass of long black hair escaped from his fallen turban. his chest would heave and crack under the short, sharp pants which brought the air through the larynx with a whistling hiss. thus would he continue for perhaps an hour, until, exhausted by the struggle, he would fall into a sound sleep, from which he would awake refreshed and smiling, to laugh and chat with his guards, his wife or parents, if they happened to be present. had there been any real danger to linh-nghi during these attacks i believe that opium, or some[pg 206] an?sthetic, would have been administered to him by our surgeon, m. joly, who, on several occasions, was present during these crises.
on the 22nd august our prisoner made a daring bid for liberty. during the night he had succeeded in picking the lock which secured the two heavy beams forming the stocks wherein his ankles were imprisoned. at four in the morning, profiting by the fact that the native sentry was slumbering—though the soldier denied this, and attributed the chieftain's escape to the miraculous—linh-nghi made a dash for the palisade, and was astride it, when a native sergeant, who had heard the rattling of the bamboo, ran to the spot from whence the sound came, and succeeded in grasping a leg of the escaping rebel, to which he clung, shouting the while for help. a few seconds later the prisoner was brought back and secured, and the doctor attended to his wounds, for he had been almost impaled during his struggle by the pointed bamboo poles of the palisade.
shortly after this incident a terrible tragedy occurred, which brought about a complete change in the attitude of our prisoner, and eventually[pg 207] made him a devoted partisan of the french cause.
linh-nghi had enemies in the rebel camp, and one of these, desirous of taking over his honours and command, informed de-nam that the captive linh-binh had succumbed to pressure, and had given information to the french. he also provided evidence, which was false, to substantiate his declaration. enraged at the apparent weakness of one of his most trusted lieutenants, the rebel chief decided to make an example, and he gave orders for the immediate seizure and execution of linh-nghi's aged parents. the details of this drama, which i obtained from tho, were confirmed by documents captured later from the rebels. i had an opportunity of perusing them whilst serving on the staff of the 1st brigade some months later.
at daylight on the morning of the 28th august, the european sentry at the gate of nha-nam found a basket, which had been deposited outside during the night. on being opened it was found to contain two heads and a letter addressed to our prisoner.
it is unnecessary to give further explanations,[pg 208] or to describe in morbid details the reception of this strange parcel by the unfortunate linh-nghi.
certain it is that its effect was immediate, for that very evening i saw our ci-devant rebel, who had just returned from a long interview with our commander, under the verandah, his former prison, where he was squatting side by side with tho, with whom he was engaged in a most friendly conversation; whilst, with some damp clay and split bamboo, he was constructing, with nimble fingers, neat little models of the different fortified positions belonging to his chief of yesterday.
from that time forward he was allowed all the opium he cared to smoke, and, though for his own safety he preferred to remain in the fort during several weeks, he was liberated, and lodgings were assigned to his wife in the native soldiers' village. linh-nghi now became a scout and guide to the french columns, and as such he rendered immense services to the authorities, concerning which more will be mentioned hereafter. eventually, he was made a mandarin, and is now a local prefect of a district formerly over[pg 209]run by rebellion. he and tho became fast friends, and from their evening talks, when the "black smoke" hung thick under the thatch, i was able to derive much amusement and some knowledge.
owing to information furnished by nghi, the authorities decided to reconnoitre a road which had not been visited by french troops since 1886, when a column, under major dugenne, went by it from tin-dao (the old name for nha-nam), to tha?-nguyen, an important town situated on the song-cau river, about 20 miles as the crow flies to the north-west of nha-nam. this road had probably been constructed several centuries before, but, owing to the depopulation of the districts through which it passed, and also to its proximity to the forest-covered, mountainous region to the south, it was now but a path, which in some places completely disappeared in the ever-advancing jungle.
from a military point of view the reconnaissance of this route was of the greatest importance, since, should it be found practicable to infantry, it would be possible to make use of it, when the time served, as the means of[pg 210] advance for a column destined to attack the enemy's positions on the right flank.
in tha?-nguyen there was a garrison consisting of two companies of the foreign legion, one of native infantry, a section of mountain artillery, and a detachment of militia.
my squad formed part of the small column which left nha-nam on the 4th september, at five in the morning, to explore this road.
though it had been supposed that the distance to be covered would not exceed 25 miles, we actually marched close upon 35 before reaching our destination.
at intervals we were obliged to cut our way through the vegetation which had invaded the track, and it was only by using the utmost care that our little party succeeded in keeping in the right direction.
on several occasions we disturbed big herds of deer, which scampered away on our approaching them; the tracks of tigers were frequently visible, and once the advance guard, consisting of half a dozen tirailleurs, were considerably startled by the presence of a fine python which lay basking in the sun, close by the track. it[pg 211] was only after several stones had been thrown at it that the big snake decided on withdrawing into the long grass. owing to the advisability of concealing our movements from the enemy, it was deemed necessary not to make use of firearms on this occasion.
the men suffered much owing to the extreme heat; the path was in the worst of conditions, and we were obliged to twice ford a river, which, though not very deep, was exceedingly rapid, so that our expedition proved to be a very arduous one to all who took part in it.
it was nearly 8 p.m., and quite dark, when we reached our destination, and several of the men fell exhausted whilst waiting in the ranks for a hut to be prepared for us to pass the night in. tha?-nguyen possessed a fine citadel, of the vauban style, which was built in 1798, and it was in this that the garrison dwelt.
the town and its neighbourhood was at this time infested by tigers, which prowled about the streets after dark, so that it was imprudent for the inhabitants to go out without a torch or a light of some kind. so great was the voracity and daring of these animals that[pg 212] on several occasions they had penetrated into the citadel and carried off dogs and goats belonging to the garrison. indeed, the doctor, by an extraordinary stroke of good luck, killed one with a revolver shot as it was groping under his bed in search of a favourite pointer which had taken refuge there. report had it that the lucky slayer of this greedy feline was so excited by his good fortune that he was found more dead than alive by the guard who ran to the hut on hearing the report of his weapon.
he lost his dog, however, for the poor animal was found to be quite dead, its skull crushed beneath the powerful paw of its enemy.
our column, having proved that the road explored could, if necessary, serve as a means of penetration into the enemy's country, left tha?-nguyen on its return journey the next day at 4 p.m.
lipthay had been in charge of the topographical work during our exploration, and his sketch of the route so pleased major berard, who commanded our battalion and was also in charge of the military zone, that my chum was[pg 213] detained in tha?-nguyen, and attached to the staff there. i was very sorry to lose him, but, for his sake, was glad of this change in his prospects, as his new position brought with it a greater chance of promotion.
our party did not return to nha-nam by the same route it had come, but took a better known and more frequented track, passing more to the south, through a district more populated, and consequently better cultivated.
on our way back we slept one night at cassong-thuong, a small fort garrisoned by a detachment of militia under the orders of a european officer. we continued our journey the following morning, and reached nha-nam at 6 p.m.
owing to the fact that the military authorities were now in possession of reliable information concerning the rebel's strength and positions, orders were issued by the brigade for reconnaissances to be made from time to time, into the districts north of our fort, with a view to exploring the region and obtaining topographical sketches of the country, to be used in the production of a reliable map, for the use of the[pg 214] officers who were to assist in the big column, which the government had decided to put in the field during the winter months. i took part in the first of these little expeditions on the 12th september, the object of which was to determine whether the track to long-thuong, a rebel village which had not been visited since january, was still accessible to infantry, and also to see if the hamlet was inhabited and fortified. we started out from nha-nam at three in the afternoon. as it was not intended to make any attack on the enemy should they be in force, our detachment was a weak one, composed only of thirty legionaries and as many tirailleurs. in order to make things easy for the europeans, for the heat was very oppressive, we were instructed to take with us only the six packets of ammunition contained in our belt-pouches—36 rounds. fortunately for us all the tirailleurs, who accompanied us, started with 120 rounds per man.
we arrived within a quarter of a mile of our destination, which was about a league and a half to the north of our position, without incident.
the fields were well cultivated, and the rice[pg 215] was being harvested, but on our approach, the reapers—all women—fled with loud cries towards the hamlet. it is probable that the suspicions of captain plessier were aroused, for, by his orders, we left the path, extended and advanced towards the village across the cultivated ground; a small reserve remaining upon the track under the orders of lieutenant bennet.
when about 200 yards from the position, we were received by a hot fire from a strong party of the enemy occupying the hamlet. our line halted, and took cover by kneeling behind the little embankments which separated one field from the other. from here we replied to the rebels, but, a few minutes later, were exposed to a severe cross-fire coming from the left flank; and, in less time than it takes to describe, a tirailleur was killed, and two others and one legionary were wounded.
the enemy who took part in this flanking movement were some of de-nam's regulars, who came from their entrenched positions in the forest, having been summoned to assist by their friends in the village, who for this purpose made use of long, copper speaking-trumpets, the weird[pg 216] bellowings of which we could hear above the reports of the rifles and the repeated words of command.
our reserve had extended on our left, at right angles to our line, but its fire failed to keep the enemy in check, and very soon we could distinguish their skirmishers, as they advanced in line at regular intervals, dropping now and again on one knee to discharge their rifles at us.
the situation was getting too warm to be pleasant, and most of the legionaries having expended their slender stock of ammunition, it was found necessary to distribute among us the cartridges of the men who had been placed hors de combat, and also to take a few packets from each of the native infantrymen. thanks to the wall-like ridges behind which we lay, we suffered no further casualties, but our cartridges were getting scarcer each minute, and we felt that should any of the enemy succeed in getting out of the village by an exit—which might possibly exist—other than the door before us, there would be a possibility of an attack on our right flank, and consequently a danger of the road to nha-[pg 217]nam being closed to us. it was very soon found necessary to restrict the efforts of the native troops to volley-firing, for, notwithstanding the repeated efforts of their french sergeants, they expended their ammunition with reckless extravagance when acting independently. the majority of them, not waiting to select a suitable target or to aim carefully, just loosed off into space, happy so long as the excitement created by the report of their rifle and the smell of their burning powder stayed their rising fears.
this was the first time i had seen our captain under fire, and it was a supreme satisfaction to me to note that his attitude came up in every respect to the descriptions given me by my comrades, senior to myself in the service. calm and collected, he had an eye for every detail, and seemed to foresee each new development in the situation. he was never a man of many words, and now he spoke only to give some short, crisp order to the bugler, or to a non-commissioned officer. though he happened that day to be dressed in a suit of white drill, he was the only one among us who took no cover, and was in consequence the target for[pg 218] many a rebel rifle. as he walked coolly up and down behind the line of our crouching figures, his helmet cocked over his right ear, a cigarette between his lips, flicking his leggings every now and again with the cane he carried, he seemed to defy death itself. this attitude inspired his men with enthusiastic confidence, and every legionary present would have hailed with joy an order from him to fix bayonets and charge right at the enemy.
the action had lasted but a few minutes when the order to retreat by echelons was given. the object of the reconnaissance had been accomplished, for it was clear that the track followed was accessible, and also that the village was occupied in force as an outpost; and under the circumstances it would have been a culpable breach of the art of war, a wanton invitation to disaster, to have continued the engagement.
our retirement was not effected without some difficulty, for the enemy showed considerable daring and initiative in harassing our retreat; and our progress was slow, because we were embarrassed by our dead and wounded. some difficulty was also experienced by the french[pg 219] sergeants in keeping their tirailleurs in hand, and it was undoubtedly due to their efforts, and also to the example of cool steadiness displayed by the legionaries, that our withdrawal was saved from degenerating into a total sauve-qui-peut. it was found necessary to tell off men of my corps to bear away our comrades who were hors de combat, for the native troops were too plainly victims to shattered nerves to bear the strain of this task under fire. this somewhat reduced the strength of our little firing line, which, however, received some assistance from lieutenant bennet, who picked up a rifle and "downed" several of our eager pursuers, for he was a first-class marksman.
the enemy abandoned their attack when we were about a mile from nha-nam; but it was a band of tired and thirsty men that reached the shelter of our position that evening at seven.
warned by our captain, who had galloped on ahead of us as soon as all danger had ceased, the guard turned out and rendered the usual honours to the dead and wounded as they were borne through the gate of the fort.
the wounded were at once attended to in[pg 220] the infirmary, and were transferred under escort the next morning to the hospital at phulang-thuong.
on the day following our engagement the whole garrison turned out under arms to assist at the funeral of the tirailleur who had been killed. he was buried in the small, well-kept cemetery, situated just below the slope to the north-west of our position. the french people have had at all times a great respect for their dead, and their soldiers whose lot it has been to lay down their life, au champ d'honneur, as they so eloquently express it, have always received their full share of the respect paid to the departed. in france there exists a fund, known as l'?uvre des tombes, subscribed to by thousands of the charitable public; and the money thus obtained is expended on the hundreds of far-away colonial graveyards, which are kept in excellent order, and in erecting an iron cross, bearing the name and corps of the deceased, over the last resting-place of each soldier of the republic who falls in fight or dies of disease. this is done without restriction of race or religion.
[pg 221]
i went to see tho that evening, and found linh-nghi with him. they both amused me by their evident regret at not having assisted in the engagement of the previous day.
the little sergeant's complaints were based on plain, unsatisfied bloodthirstiness; those of my ex-rebel friend clearly originated in that spirit of unslakable vengeance which only an asiatic can acquire. it was instructive to note how they, after each pipe of opium, built fresh plans, and devised new methods for the merciless slaughter of their enemies. from them i learnt that a spy had come in during the day with information that de-tam, the most capable of all the rebel military leaders, had been in command of the troops that had attacked us; and that this famous captain, for whom they evidently cherished much hate, and a good deal of reluctant admiration, had been severely wounded towards the end of the fight, his left arm having been shattered by a bullet just below the shoulder. this proved to be a fact.
i met the famous chieftain in 1897, when he was a partisan of the french, and the crippled[pg 222] state of his limb—due, no doubt, to the elementary treatment of the wound by the native medicine-man—was an evident proof of it.
i passed many pleasant evenings with tho and nghi, who would favour me with stories of war and love, legends of ancient origin, in which the actors were demi-gods, dragons and genii, and strange fables full of local colour, replete with quaint proverbs and philosophical axioms dear to the disciples of confucius. unfortunately, i was soon to be deprived of the real pleasure obtained from these foregatherings, for my section received orders to proceed to cho-trang, and i was thus suddenly separated from my two friends. it was not without some regret that i accepted this hazard of a soldier's life, against which one should not murmur; and i was really sorry that the opportunity afforded me for the study of the complex characteristics of tho and nghi should have been such a brief one.
my new location was a small fort situated to the north-west, on the confines of the yen-thé province, about 60 miles from nha-nam as the crow flies, but a good 80 by road.[pg 223] owing to its position in a rugged, forest-clad mountainous region, and to its being surrounded, a few hundred yards away, by a chain of rocky heights, green with the vegetation which flourished in the crevices, it was found to be so unhealthy that the military authorities had, up till october 1891, contented themselves with maintaining a garrison of native soldiers there. owing, however, to the approaching operations against the rebels, and to the fact that cho-trang was situated on the left flank of their positions, and close to several paths leading into their country, it was found necessary to strengthen the force there for a few months; since by these tracks it would be quite possible for some of the chinese bands, established in the hills around lang-son, to come to the assistance of de-nam.
from nha-nam our detachment marched via cao-thuong to phulang-thuong, whence we served as an escort to a convoy going to lang-son. we went by the famous mandarin road which had been the scene of the retreat of general de négriers army in march, 1885.
our rate of progress was a slow one, for the[pg 224] vehicles we escorted were heavy carts, drawn by tame buffaloes, or native wheel-barrows of a most peculiar pattern, constructed entirely of bamboo and ironwood, without a single nail or screw. the wheel consisted of a big wooden disc about 3 feet in diameter, which revolved on a teak axle, and produced a loud scratching noise as these clumsy carriages trundled over the rough road. the regulation load for these barrows was about 180 pounds, and to each of them there were two chinese coolies. one pushed the barrow from behind, with a strap, each end of which was attached to a handle, passing over his shoulders, and thus relieving the wheel of some of the weight carried; and another was in front, hitched to a rope tied to the horn of this prehistoric little vehicle. the creaking of the wheels and continued yelling chatter of the chinese created a perfect pandemonium of sound. our convoy was more than 2 miles long, so that when the head had reached a halting-place, and its escort was able to obtain rest and refreshment, the unfortunate soldiers in the rear were still toiling slowly along, and would arrive at an étape to find that only a short space[pg 225] of time remained for them to refresh their tired legs and empty stomachs.
after kep, the scene of major dugenne's reverse in june, 1884, the road passed through a stretch of scenery wild and magnificent. by a succession of loops and curves the route rose and passed round the flank of one mountain after another. sometimes the convoy crept slowly over small bridges spanning mountain torrents, overhung with dense, tropical vegetation. now the road would wind through beautiful thickets of bamboo, so dense that it would have been impossible to penetrate it. at times we skirted deep woods and charming combes full of thick undergrowth, palms and creepers. often the track dipped and traversed fine valleys, covered with waving jungle grass; beyond this could be seen a vista of hills overrun with black forest, or chain upon chain of massive rocks, 1,000 feet high, all bedecked with variegated foliage. on or near the track there were few signs of animal or bird life, with the exception of the ubiquitous sparrow and the ever-present kite, though the vanguard occasionally disturbed a flight of chattering parrakeets, or[pg 226] scared away small herds of deer, which, with a few bounds, would disappear into the jungle. we halted at kep, sui-ganh and bac-lé, and passed the night in the forts at these places. here the convoy was packed in an enclosure surrounded by a high bamboo fence, fires being kept burning all night to scare away tigers and panthers, as there were many in the jungle along the road.
the coolies, on their arrival, were told off into squads, and the daily ration of rice and salt fish was served out to them. this they cooked in copper pots, and the men of each squad squatted round the fires awaiting their evening meal, while one of their comrades, who acted as cook for the occasion, kept stirring the stew with a bamboo stick.
most of these celestials were tall, well-made men, whose lower limbs were abnormally developed—a natural result of the calling they followed—and, like the majority of their race, they evidently possessed a strong dislike to soap and water, for they were extremely filthy. they were clothed, like the men of the mountain tribes in this region of the tonquin, in a[pg 227] costume consisting of a vest and pantaloons of blue cotton cloth, which, in most cases, was in a terribly ragged condition.
for pay they received twenty-five cents per diem (about fivepence), plus their daily rations.
the meal finished, the majority indulged in a few pipes of cheap opium, locally known as sai, and the surface of the compound was starred over with the numerous tiny twinkles of their little lamps. these went out one by one, and before midnight the camp was plunged in silence and slumber, the naked limbs of the sleeping coolies having the appearance of old ivory or new bronze in the flickering glimmer of the watch-fires, round which they reclined. then the stillness of the night would be broken only by the song of the cicalas, the crackle of burning wood, the occasional call of the sentries, and the far-away cop! cop! cop! of a tiger hunting in the hills.
at bac-lé our detachment left the convoy, and abandoning the highroad, we struck off due north by a small path which led to cho-trang. we set out before daybreak, so as[pg 228] to avoid marching in the midday heat, and were accompanied by a guide and several coolies bearing lighted torches made of split bamboo as a precaution against wild beasts.
cho-trang is about 12 miles from the lang-son road, and the little track we followed passed for nine of these through a succession of jungle-covered valleys, and over hills hidden in primeval forests of teak, banyan, ironwood and palm trees, some of which were of enormous size, with an impenetrable undergrowth of fern, interlacing creepers, orchids and spiked rattan. in these woods the light of day was almost shut out by the dense foliage; no birds seemed to live there, and the strange, weird silence was only broken now and again by troops of chattering brown monkeys, which, disturbed by our approach, would scuttle away through the branches, jumping from one bough to another with their usual agility, and maintaining the while such grotesqueness of face and demeanour that our laughter was frequently provoked.
when we had marched about five hours, for during the darkness the pace had been a slow one, we found ourselves close upon the[pg 229] rocky chain already described, which exactly resembled the pinnacles which rise in hundreds from the sea in along bay. this strange configuration is known as the nui-dong-nghi, and its jagged ridges run east from this point right through tonquin into kwang-si, and also far north to the heart of the province of cao-bang.
we traversed the first chain through a pass known as the deo-mou-phieu, which in some places is so narrow that a native pony can only just squeeze between the projecting boulders. this narrow cleft is evidently the thousands-of-years-old work of the waters, which have eaten a way through the calcareous rock. indeed, there rushed through the pass a rapid though narrow stream, wherein we had to wade knee-high.
between these high stone walls the scenery possessed a savage grandeur i have never seen equalled, and the semi-darkness of the narrow way produced a most awesome effect. a few lines from la mort de rolland, recited by a comrade during one of the short halts we made, produced such a feeling of intense sadness that i was glad when our little column broke out[pg 230] of these weird surroundings into the bright sunshine beyond.
from the pass, which was nearly a mile long, we debouched into a little circular plain, with a superficial area of about 1? square miles. it was surrounded by high rocky walls, to all appearance without a break in them, and the fort of cho-trang was situated almost exactly in the middle of the plain.
we found that the position was a solid one. it was rectangular in form, with a small bastion at each angle, and the fortification consisted of a well-built parapet and ditch, round which ran the usual bamboo palisades.
our little detachment of thirty men was lodged in a big, one-roomed hut of clay and bamboo, thatched with macaw palm. it had evidently been prepared for our use, for it was clean and freshly whitewashed, and contained the necessary bedding and mosquito-nets for the detachment.
the fort was in command of a lieutenant of the tirailleurs tonkinois—an eccentric individual who had a strong aversion to the legionaries. not that he was unnecessarily harsh or unjust[pg 231] towards us, but he had a mania for openly expressing a want of confidence in our discipline, which wounded the pride of the men of our detachment, the majority of whom soon hated him most cordially. he was married, according to native custom, to a tonquinese woman, who was living in the fort; and this, added to the fact that he was an opium-smoker, did not aid in increasing the small respect with which he was regarded by the legionaries.
strict orders had been given by the general commanding the brigade that we should not be overworked while staying in this unhealthy spot, so that our life was rather a quiet and monotonous one. the only exciting incident that happened during my stay here was an attack made on the cattle stockade by two black panthers. one of these beasts succeeded in gaining an entrance, and killed a bullock. he paid for his daring with his life, however, and was riddled with bullets by some legionaries who had been awakened by the cries of the native sentry.
the nights were gradually becoming cooler, for we were now in the middle of october, and life was rendered unpleasant by the thick, damp[pg 232] mists which hung continually over our position. owing to the high walls of rock surrounding the little plain upon which the fort was built, there was little or no breeze, so that these fogs hung about us till late in each morning, when the midday heat of the tropical sun dispelled them. no doubt this was one of the principal causes of the prevalence of fever in this district; another being that the water used by the troops, though it came from mountain streams, and was apparently limpid, was strongly impregnated with copper, of which metal there were considerable traces in the soil of the region. filters were provided for the garrison, and the troops were not allowed to use any water, either for cooking or drinking, unless it had been previously boiled. even these precautions did not suffice to avoid disease, for when our detachment had been three weeks in cho-trang, more than half of its effective was laid up with fever, which takes a most virulent form in this district.
its commencement, like ordinary malaria, is generally announced by shivering fits, during which the sufferer experiences a sensation of extreme cold. the hands and feet are numbed[pg 233] and glacial; the teeth chatter continually, notwithstanding the fact that the thermometer in the verandah is often, in such cases, at 95 degrees. this is succeeded at the end of an hour or more by a feeling of burning heat; perspiration ceases, the sufferer's temperature rises to over a hundred; he is a victim of terrible pains in the head, and is often delirious. at cho-trang this condition was usually complicated by hematuric symptoms, which, fortunately, do not occur in the majority of cases of ordinary jungle fever.
there was no doctor in the fort (indeed, it would be impossible to maintain a medical officer in each of the numerous small garrisons in tonquin), and it was the lieutenant who examined the sick men and served out the medicines provided by the authorities without stint.
in such cases commanders of forts are furnished with a manual, which is well written, and gives in the clearest of terms explanations concerning the symptoms and treatment of the different tropical and other diseases they will most probably be called upon to treat. definite[pg 234] instructions are also given in this little book to the officers, concerning the transfer of the men to the nearest hospital centre, whenever there are signs that the disease from which they are suffering is of a persistent or malignant form. though these recommendations are not always adhered to, it would hardly be fair in such cases to censure the commanders, since it often happens, on numerous removals of this kind being made, that the officer receives blame from headquarters for having neglected to take the necessary precautions to ensure the satisfactory sanitation of his post, whereas in most instances the epidemic has had its origin in the insanitary position of the fort, or the dangerous composition of the soil it was built on.
it was noticeable that the first among my comrades to fall victims to sickness were the younger members of the detachment. when they had a strong and healthy constitution they generally recovered, and though the fever clung to them for six months, and sometimes more, during which period the attacks gradually decreased in force and occurred at longer intervals, they eventually became seasoned, and[pg 235] the fever seemed no longer to have any hold on them. i know of a good many men who have served four consecutive years in the colony, and who, after paying a heavy toll to malaria, during the first year or eighteen months, have never again been troubled by the disease.
hard drinkers were longer in resisting the attacks of the fever fiend, but once the illness got a hold upon them, the results were generally fatal. one of the peculiarities of the jungle fever, in any form, is that the sufferer loses all appetite; indeed, he usually exhibits almost a loathing for any kind of food. it is therefore necessary to maintain his vitality, which rapidly sinks under the repeated attacks of the disease. to obtain this result liberal allowances of liquid food are administered to the patient. in tonquin, milk, either fresh or condensed, was the diet most frequently prescribed, and in most cases with excellent results, except when the sufferers happened to be confirmed alcoholic subjects. then the patients would either refuse to take milk, for which they possessed a decided repugnance, or they would be unable to keep[pg 236] and digest it after having forced themselves to swallow it.
it is easy to understand that, owing to the number of men incapacitated through sickness, the duties of the few available for service were considerably increased. it was no unusual occurrence to find oneself detailed for guard three times in one week, and it was only by reducing things to their strictest limit that sufficient men could be found to escort the convoy which was brought from bac-lé every thursday. the convoy was absolutely necessary, for we depended on this weekly service for our supply of food. a reserve stock of flour, wine, rice, coffee, sugar and salt, sufficient to feed the members of the garrison for three months, was stored in the fort; but this was only to be drawn upon in cases of extreme urgency, such as siege or blockade.
it was during this trying time that i was able to appreciate the good-fellowship and unobtrusive self-abnegation possessed by the majority of my comrades, and many instances of their kindly spirit came under my observation.
whenever a man detailed for service fell[pg 237] sick shortly before going on duty—and this was by no means a rare occurrence—a chum would at once cheerfully volunteer and take his place, though, as often as not, he had himself just come off convoy or guard duty, or was recovering from an attack of fever.
the able men not on duty—they were generally but few—neglected their own comfort, and sacrificed their rare hours of rest to attend, without murmur, to their stricken comrades, and did their best, in their rough but kindly way, to lighten their sufferings.
it was a quaint and touching sight to watch one of these bearded mercenaries, as he passed from cot to cot, and note his efforts to repress his own impatience and clumsiness, as he piled blanket after blanket on a shivering sufferer, changed the damp linen of another, who had broken into the beneficent sweat that denoted the termination of an attack, or calmed, with a voice which he tried to render gentle, the ravings of a delirious friend, standing the while to change every few minutes the wet bandages on the burning brow of the stricken one.
with what gentle care the weak ones[pg 238] would be lifted into a sitting position, and how patiently, with cheery, though perhaps clumsy jokes, would these self-appointed nurses encourage their patients to drink the cup of milk which succoured the ebbing strength, or the boiling liquid that provoked the saving perspiration.
"allons! mon vieux. you're not dead yet! the tree is not grown from which your pine overcoat will be made. courage! take this, and to-morrow you will feel so well that you will want to go on convoy guard, so as to see that little brown congai that winked at you last time we were at bac-lé. sly dog! va!"
or:
"bien quoi! hold on, mon ami! there's a lot more wine in the storeroom that wants drinking. don't desert us; we shall never get through it without the help of your steep throat."
often i would laugh at their coarse wit, though a big lump in my throat betokened another kind of sentiment. yet one might be joyful at the evidence of the vast store of human kindness possessed by these rough soldier-folk,[pg 239] which, though hidden till now, came splendidly to the fore in this time of common misfortune.
on the 20th november, as i was sitting on a stool close by the door of the fort—for i was feeling decidedly queer, having just recovered from a third severe attack of fever—the native sentry, who was posted on a little wooden platform about 20 feet high, supported on four bamboo poles, and fitted with a thatch roof, informed me with a shout that he could perceive a troop of european soldiers, accompanied by two mounted officers, coming out of the pass towards us. i was in charge of the guard for the day, so i sent off a tirailleur to inform the commander. a few minutes later the two officers seen by the sentry came galloping into cho-trang on their ponies, and my surprise was great on recognising captain plessier and surgeon joly.
as they came through the gate i rose and saluted. our captain drew up his little mount with a jerk, and after looking hard at me for a few seconds, exclaimed:
"mon dieu! doctor, why, this is our englishman. but how changed! why, the[pg 240] man is as yellow as a buttercup, and as thin as a vine-pole."
while he was speaking, the doctor had dismounted, and, after throwing the reins to a native soldier who stood by, he came over to me. after consulting my pulse, and looking at my tongue, he turned to captain plessier and said:
"this man is in a high fever, and ought to be in bed."
he questioned me concerning the date on which i had had my first attack, and obliged me also to give him other details concerning my malady. then he walked off and rejoined our captain, who had gone on to the quarters of the lieutenant in command of the fort. a few minutes later a sergeant came up to the guard-house and told me that, on the doctor's advice, the lieutenant had given orders for me to be relieved, and he (the sergeant) had been instructed to tell me to go to bed.
i was not sorry for this, for i was feeling very unwell; and when one of my comrades put in an appearance i passed the service on to him, hurried away to my hut, and was soon lying on[pg 241] my cot under a pile of blankets, in anticipation of the attack of ague which was already giving me signs of speedy approach.
i had not been there long before captain plessier, accompanied by our surgeon, came into the room. they visited the sick men who were in their cots—there were nine besides myself—and then came over to me. after examining me again, the doctor said:
"this man should be sent down to the nearest hospital as soon as possible. he might leave with us to-morrow morning."
"we have not sufficient coolies to carry him," replied our captain; "and it would take at least two days to get some from bac-lé." he reflected a little, and then asked me: "can you ride?"
"yes, mon capitaine," i answered.
"well, doctor, i think the best thing will be to put him on my spare pony," continued our chief; "that is, if you think he can stand the ride, and one of our coolies can carry his baggage. eh, doctor?"
"yes, i think we can risk it, for it is better to get him away from here as soon as possible," answered m. joly.
[pg 242]
no sooner had our officers left the room than several of my comrades set to work to pack my kit, for i was now in a high fever again, and consequently too weak and ill to attend to this operation myself. as they bustled about, these good-hearted fellows, with many good-natured jokes concerning my coming journey to the "sea-side," congratulated me on my luck, and did their best to encourage me to get to sleep, so as to gain strength for my long ride on the morrow.
we started early the next morning, and though i was glad to leave the "sale trou," as my comrades termed the fort, i was sorry at the thought that they would have to remain for several weeks longer in this unhealthy spot. dr joly had announced the previous evening to the other sick men that they would be removed as soon as sufficient coolies could be obtained for their transportation.
my mount was a big tartar pony, whose only fault consisted in a persistent desire to leave the path and gallop through the forest. he succeeded in taking me unawares the first time, and my helmet was knocked off and i was nearly brained by the bough of a tree. like[pg 243] most of these little horses, when they have been in the hands of the natives, he possessed a terribly hard mouth, so that what with this and the fever which had again taken a hold on me, i experienced a somewhat lively journey.
we reached kep at four in the afternoon, and here i was put into a carriage on the little railway to lang-son, which was then in course of construction, and had reached this point, 12 miles from phulang-thuong, a few days previously.
at kep i said good-bye to my comrades who formed the escort, and thanked our captain and doctor for their kindness. i afterwards learned that i had indeed reason to be grateful to them for my speedy transference, for a week elapsed before sufficient coolies could be obtained to transport the other sick men from cho-trang, and one of the poor fellows died during the journey.
on the arrival of the train at phulang-thuong a stretcher was in readiness for me, instructions to that effect having been telegraphed from kep, and i was carried to the hospital. this establishment was virtually a sort of base ambulance, from which the patients, whom the doctors con[pg 244]sidered in need of a long treatment and change of climate, were sent on to ha?phong or quang-yen. it was, however, well built, possessed an efficient staff of surgeons and nurses, and was so fitted up that every colonial disease or casualty likely to occur during a campaign could be dealt with under the best of conditions. a great deal of money and attention is expended by the french government in the building and fitting up of the hospitals in tonquin, and the doctors are well trained, clever and conscientious men.
i remained here for a fortnight, during which time i do not think the fever left me for an hour; indeed, during the first six days i was almost continuously unconscious. i was treated with the utmost kindness and care, both by the surgeons and sisters. these excellent women, who belong to the roman catholic order of "st vincent de paul," do not, unfortunately, possess the same scientific knowledge of medical nursing as our british hospital nurses, but they are untiring in the care which they give to the patients, and their unstinted efforts to relieve the suffering are worthy of the highest praise.
during that period of my illness when the[pg 245] fever was at its worst and i was almost constantly delirious, it seemed to me that there were moments when some section of my intellect, escaping from the frenzy which possessed my brain, succeeded in retaining its lucidity, and was able to obtain control over a portion of my personality, inspiring it with a power to think and see independently of, and, as it were, apart from, the remainder of my suffering organism.
so vividly did this impression assert itself, that to this day i can remember hearing my own ravings, and mentally consoling myself with the thought that they were merely the results of delirium. i would at such times watch the terrifying hallucinations, conjured up by the malady, with a perfect knowledge that they were the results of an imagination distorted by the fever which possessed me; and at the same time find means to take notice of a tiny lizard, as it crawled, searching for mosquitoes, up the curtain surrounding my bed, the flickering night-light, the crucifix hanging on the whitewashed wall in front of me, or the sister on duty as she moved silently from cot to cot,[pg 246] to administer medicine or to assure herself that her patients were asleep, and whose picturesque costume, white cornette and collar, reminded me of the poem, "the black musketeer," in the ingoldsby legends. my experience is by no means unique, for several of my friends who have also been victims to jungle fever, and with whom i have compared notes, have been impressed by phenomena of a similar description.
when my daily temperature began to take a slow but decidedly downward curve, the head doctor informed me that i was to be sent to the hospital at quang-yen, a small town situated on the coast not far from along bay, where, said he, aided by the sea-air, i might possibly succeed in shaking off the malaria; though he told me that he was noting my clinic-sheet to the effect that he considered it advisable to send me back to algeria as soon as i could support the voyage. i felt much disappointed at this information, though i recognised his kindly intention; but it was far from my wish to return so soon to africa, and i determined to make every effort, in the event of my getting rid of the fever, to induce the doctors at quang-yen[pg 247] to allow me to remain in tonquin, for i still hoped to participate in the coming winter campaign in the yen-thé, the prospects of which had been a constant topic of conversation with my comrades. a few days later i was carried on board a river steamer, but during the journey i fell so ill again that i was put on shore at ha?phong, and remained three days in the hospital there. however, at the end of that period i was sufficiently recovered to continue my journey, and eventually reached quang-yen on the 12th november.