successes of the spaniards—fruitless offers to guatemozin—buildings razed to the ground—terrible famine—the troops gain the market-place—battering-engine

1521

thus passed away the eight days prescribed by the oracle; and the sun which rose upon the ninth beheld the fair city still beset on every side by the inexorable foe. it was a great mistake of the aztec priests—one not uncommon with false prophets, anxious to produce a startling impression on their followers—to assign so short a term for the fulfilment of their prediction.[65]

the tezcucan and tlascalan chiefs now sent to acquaint their troops with the failure of the prophecy, and to recall them to the christian camp. the tlascalans, who had halted on the way, returned, ashamed of their credulity, and with ancient feelings of animosity heightened by the artifice of which they had been the dupes. their example was followed by many of the other con{61}federates, with the levity natural to a people whose convictions are the result not of reason, but of superstition. in a short time the spanish general found himself at the head of an auxiliary force which, if not so numerous as before, was more than adequate to all his purposes. he received them with politic benignity; and, while he reminded them that they had been guilty of a great crime in thus abandoning their commander, he was willing to overlook it in consideration of their past services. they must be aware that these services were not necessary to the spaniards, who had carried on the siege with the same vigor during their absence as when they were present. but he was unwilling that those who had shared the dangers of the war with him should not also partake its triumphs, and be present at the fall of their enemy, which he promised, with a confidence better founded than that of the priests in their prediction, should not be long delayed.

yet the menaces and machinations of guatemozin were still not without effect in the distant provinces. before the full return of the confederates, cortés received an embassy from cuernavaca, ten or twelve leagues distant, and another from some friendly towns of the otomies, still farther off, imploring his protection against their formidable neighbors, who menaced them with hostilities as allies of the spaniards. as the latter were then situated, they were in a condition to receive succor much more than to give it.[66] most of the officers{62} were, accordingly, opposed to granting a request compliance with which must still further impair their diminished strength. but cortés knew the importance, above all, of not betraying his own inability to grant it. “the greater our weakness,” he said, “the greater need have we to cover it under a show of strength.”[67]

he immediately detached tápia with a body of about a hundred men in one direction, and sandoval with a somewhat larger force in the other, with orders that their absence should not in any event be prolonged beyond ten days.[68] the two captains executed their commissions promptly and effectually. they each met and defeated his adversary in a pitched battle, laid waste the hostile territories, and returned within the time prescribed. they were soon followed by ambassadors from the conquered places, soliciting the alliance of the spaniards; and the affair terminated by an accession of new confederates, and, what was more important, a conviction in the old that the spaniards were both willing and competent to protect them.

fortune, who seldom dispenses her frowns or her favors single-handed, further showed her good will to the spaniards, at this time, by sending a vessel into vera cruz laden with ammunition and military stores. it was part of the fleet destined for{63} the florida coast by the romantic old knight, ponce de leon. the cargo was immediately taken by the authorities of the port, and forwarded, without delay, to the camp, where it arrived most seasonably, as the want of powder, in particular, had begun to be seriously felt.[69] with strength thus renovated, cortés determined to resume active operations, but on a plan widely differing from that pursued before.

in the former deliberations on the subject, two courses, as we have seen, presented themselves to the general. one was to intrench himself in the heart of the capital and from this point carry on hostilities; the other was the mode of proceeding hitherto followed. both were open to serious objections, which he hoped would be obviated by the one now adopted. this was to advance no step without securing the entire safety of the army, not only on its immediate retreat, but in its future inroads. every breach in the causeway, every canal in the streets, was to be filled up in so solid a manner that the work should not be again disturbed. the materials for this were to be furnished by the buildings, every one of which, as the army advanced, whether public or private, hut, temple, or palace, was to be demolished! not a building in their path was to be spared. they were all indis{64}criminately to be levelled, until, in the conqueror’s own language, “the water should be converted into dry land,” and a smooth and open ground be afforded for the man?uvres of the cavalry and artillery![70]

cortés came to this terrible determination with great difficulty. he sincerely desired to spare the city, “the most beautiful thing in the world,”[71] as he enthusiastically styles it, and which would have formed the most glorious trophy of his conquest. but in a place where every house was a fortress and every street was cut up by canals so embarrassing to his movements, experience proved it was vain to think of doing so and becoming master of it. there was as little hope of a peaceful accommodation with the aztecs, who, so far from being broken by all they had hitherto endured, and the long perspective of future woes, showed a spirit as haughty and implacable as ever.[72]

the general’s intentions were learned by the indian allies with unbounded satisfaction; and they answered his call for aid by thousands of pioneers, armed with their coas, or hoes of the country, all testifying the greatest alacrity in helping on the{65} work of destruction.[73] in a short time the breaches in the great causeways were filled up so effectually that they were never again molested. cortés himself set the example by carrying stones and timber with his own hands.[74] the buildings in the suburbs were then thoroughly levelled, the canals were filled up with the rubbish, and a wide space around the city was thrown open to the man?uvres of the cavalry, who swept over it free and unresisted. the mexicans did not look with indifference on these preparations to lay waste their town and leave them bare and unprotected against the enemy. they made incessant efforts to impede the labors of the besiegers; but the latter, under cover of their guns, which kept up an unintermitting fire, still advanced in the work of desolation.[75]

the gleam of fortune which had so lately broken out on the mexicans again disappeared; and the dark mist, after having been raised for a moment, settled on the doomed capital more heavily than{66} before. famine, with all her hideous train of woes, was making rapid strides among its accumulated population. the stores provided for the siege were exhausted. the casual supply of human victims, or that obtained by some straggling pirogue from the neighboring shores, was too inconsiderable to be widely felt.[76] some forced a scanty sustenance from a mucilaginous substance gathered in small quantities on the surface of the lake and canals.[77] others appeased the cravings of appetite by devouring rats, lizards, and the like loathsome reptiles, which had not yet deserted the starving city. its days seemed to be already numbered. but the page of history has many an example to show that there are no limits to the endurance of which humanity is capable, when animated by hatred and despair.

with the sword thus suspended over it, the spanish commander, desirous to make one more effort to save the capital, persuaded three aztec nobles, taken in one of the late actions, to bear a message from him to guatemozin; though they undertook it with reluctance, for fear of the consequences to themselves. cortés told the emperor that all had now been done that brave men could{67} do in defence of their country. there remained no hope, no chance of escape, for the mexicans. their provisions were exhausted; their communications were cut off; their vassals had deserted them; even their gods had betrayed them. they stood alone, with the nations of anahuac banded against them. there was no hope but in immediate surrender. he besought the young monarch to take compassion on his brave subjects, who were daily perishing before his eyes; and on the fair city, whose stately buildings were fast crumbling into ruins. “return to the allegiance,” he concludes, “which you once proffered to the sovereign of castile. the past shall be forgotten. the persons and property, in short, all the rights, of the aztecs shall be respected. you shall be confirmed in your authority, and spain will once more take your city under her protection.”[78]

the eye of the young monarch kindled, and his dark cheek flushed with sudden anger, as he listened to proposals so humiliating. but, though his bosom glowed with the fiery temper of the indian, he had the qualities of a “gentle cavalier,” says one of his enemies, who knew him well.[79] he did no harm to the envoys; but, after the heat of the moment had passed off, he gave the matter a calm consideration, and called a council of his wise men and warriors to deliberate upon it. some were for accepting the proposals, as offering the only chance of preservation. but the priests took a different{68} view of the matter. they knew that the ruin of their own order must follow the triumph of christianity. “peace was good,” they said, “but not with the white men.” they reminded guatemozin of the fate of his uncle montezuma, and the requital he had met with for all his hospitality; of the seizure and imprisonment of cacama, the cacique of tezcuco; of the massacre of the nobles by alvarado; of the insatiable avarice of the invaders, which had stripped the country of its treasures; of their profanation of the temples; of the injuries and insults which they had heaped without measure on the people and their religion. “better,” they said, “to trust in the promises of their own gods, who had so long watched over the nation. better, if need be, give up our lives at once for our country, than drag them out in slavery and suffering among the false strangers.”[80]

the eloquence of the priests, artfully touching the various wrongs of his people, roused the hot blood of guatemozin. “since it is so,” he abruptly exclaimed, “let us think only of supplying the wants of the people. let no man, henceforth, who values his life, talk of surrender. we can at least die like warriors.”[81]{69}

the spaniards waited two days for the answer to their embassy. at length it came, in a general sortie of the mexicans, who, pouring through every gate of the capital, like a river that has burst its banks, swept on, wave upon wave, to the very intrenchments of the besiegers, threatening to overwhelm them by their numbers. fortunately, the position of the latter on the dikes secured their flanks, and the narrowness of the defile gave their small battery of guns all the advantages of a larger one. the fire of artillery and musketry blazed without intermission along the several causeways, belching forth volumes of sulphurous smoke, that, rolling heavily over the water, settled dark around the indian city and hid it from the surrounding country. the brigantines thundered, at the same time, on the flanks of the columns, which, after some ineffectual efforts to maintain themselves, rolled back in wild confusion, till their impotent fury died away in sullen murmurs within the capital.

cortés now steadily pursued the plan he had laid down for the devastation of the city. day after day the several armies entered by their respective quarters, sandoval probably directing his operations against the northeastern district. the buildings, made of the porous tetzontli, though generally low, were so massy and extensive, and the canals were so numerous, that their progress was necessarily slow. they, however, gathered fresh accessions of strength every day from the numbers who flocked to the camp from the surrounding country, and who joined in the work of destruction{70} with a hearty good will which showed their eagerness to break the detested yoke of the aztecs. the latter raged with impotent anger as they beheld their lordly edifices, their temples, all they had been accustomed to venerate, thus ruthlessly swept away; their canals, constructed with so much labor and what to them seemed science, filled up with rubbish; their flourishing city, in short, turned into a desert, over which the insulting foe now rode triumphant. they heaped many a taunt on the indian allies. “go on,” they said, bitterly: “the more you destroy, the more you will have to build up again hereafter. if we conquer, you shall build for us; and if your white friends conquer, they will make you do as much for them.”[82] the event justified the prediction.

in their rage they rushed blindly on the corps which covered the indian pioneers. but they were as often driven back by the impetuous charge of the cavalry, or received on the long pikes of chinantla, which did good service to the besiegers in their operations. at the close of day, however, when the spaniards drew off their forces, taking care to send the multitudinous host of confederates first from the ground, the mexicans usually rallied for a more formidable attack. then they poured out from every lane and by-way, like so many mountain streams, sweeping over the broad level{71} cleared by the enemy, and falling impetuously on their flanks and rear. at such times they inflicted considerable loss in their turn, till an ambush, which cortés laid for them among the buildings adjoining the great temple, did them so much mischief that they were compelled to act with more reserve.

at times the war displayed something of a chivalrous character, in the personal rencontres of the combatants. challenges passed between them, and especially between the native warriors. these combats were usually conducted on the azoteas, whose broad and level surface afforded a good field of fight. on one occasion, a mexican of powerful frame, brandishing a sword and buckler which he had won from the christians, defied his enemies to meet him in single fight. a young page of cortés’, named nu?ez, obtained his master’s permission to accept the vaunting challenge of the aztec, and, springing on the azotea, succeeded, after a hard struggle, in discomfiting his antagonist, who fought at a disadvantage with weapons in which he was unpractised, and, running him through the body, brought off his spoils in triumph and laid them at the general’s feet.[83]

the division of cortés had now worked its way as far north as the great street of tacuba, which opened a communication with alvarado’s camp, and near which stood the palace of guatemozin. it was a spacious stone pile, that might well be{72} called a fortress. though deserted by its royal master, it was held by a strong body of aztecs, who made a temporary defence, but of little avail against the battering enginery of the besiegers. it was soon set on fire, and its crumbling walls were levelled in the dust, like those other stately edifices of the capital, the boast and admiration of the aztecs, and some of the fairest fruits of their civilization. “it was a sad thing to witness their destruction,” exclaims cortés; “but it was part of our plan of operations, and we had no alternative.”[84]

these operations had consumed several weeks, so that it was now drawing towards the latter part of july. during this time the blockade had been maintained with the utmost rigor, and the wretched inhabitants were suffering all the extremities of famine. some few stragglers were taken, from time to time, in the neighborhood of the christian camp, whither they had wandered in search of food. they were kindly treated, by command of cortés, who was in hopes to induce others to follow their example, and thus to afford a means of conciliating the inhabitants, which might open the way to their submission. but few were found willing to leave the shelter of the capital, and they preferred to take their chance with their suffering countrymen rather than trust themselves to the mercies of the besiegers.

from these few stragglers, however, the span{73}iards heard a dismal tale of woe respecting the crowded population in the interior of the city. all the ordinary means of sustenance had long since failed, and they now supported life as they could, by means of such roots as they could dig from the earth, by gnawing the bark of trees, by feeding on the grass,—on anything, in short, however loathsome, that could allay the craving of appetite. their only drink was the brackish water of the soil saturated with the salt lake.[85] under this unwholesome diet, and the diseases engendered by it, the population was gradually wasting away. men sickened and died every day, in all the excruciating torments produced by hunger, and the wan and emaciated survivors seemed only to be waiting for their time.

the spaniards had visible confirmation of all this as they penetrated deeper into the city and approached the district of tlatelolco, now occupied by the besieged. they found the ground turned up in quest of roots and weeds, the trees stripped of their green stems, their foliage, and their bark. troops of famished indians flitted in the distance, gliding like ghosts among the scenes of their former residence. dead bodies lay unburied in the streets and court-yards, or filled up the canals. it was a sure sign of the extremity of the aztecs; for they held the burial of the dead as a solemn and{74} imperative duty. in the early part of the siege they had religiously attended to it. in its later stages they were still careful to withdraw the dead from the public eye, by bringing their remains within the houses. but the number of these, and their own sufferings, had now so fearfully increased that they had grown indifferent to this, and they suffered their friends and their kinsmen to lie and moulder on the spot where they drew their last breath![86]

as the invaders entered the dwellings, a more appalling spectacle presented itself;—the floors covered with the prostrate forms of the miserable inmates, some in the agonies of death, others festering in their corruption; men, women, and children inhaling the poisonous atmosphere, and mingled promiscuously together; mothers with their infants in their arms perishing of hunger before their eyes, while they were unable to afford them the nourishment of nature; men crippled by their wounds, with their bodies frightfully mangled, vainly attempting to crawl away, as the enemy entered. yet even in this state they scorned to ask for mercy, and glared on the invaders with the sullen ferocity of the wounded tiger that the {75}huntsmen have tracked to his forest cave. the spanish commander issued strict orders that mercy should be shown to these poor and disabled victims. but the indian allies made no distinction. an aztec, under whatever circumstances, was an enemy; and, with hideous shouts of triumph, they pulled down the burning buildings on their heads, consuming the living and the dead in one common funeral pile!

yet the sufferings of the aztecs, terrible as they were, did not incline them to submission. there were many, indeed, who, from greater strength of constitution, or from the more favorable circumstances in which they were placed, still showed all their wonted energy of body and mind, and maintained the same undaunted and resolute demeanor as before. they fiercely rejected all the overtures of cortés, declaring they would rather die than surrender, and adding, with a bitter tone of exultation, that the invaders would be at least disappointed in their expectations of treasure, for it was buried where they could never find it![87]

the women, it is said, shared in this desperate—it should rather be called heroic—spirit. they were indefatigable in nursing the sick and dressing their wounds; they aided the warriors in battle, by supplying them with the indian ammunition of stones and arrows, prepared their slings, strung their bows, and displayed, in short, all the constancy and courage shown by the noble maidens of{76} saragossa in our day, and by those of carthage in the days of antiquity.[88]

cortés had now entered one of the great avenues leading to the market-place of tlatelolco, the quarter towards which the movements of alvarado were also directed. a single canal only lay in his way; but this was of great width and stoutly defended by the mexican archery. at this crisis, the army one evening, while in their intrenchments on the causeway, were surprised by an uncommon light that arose from the huge teocalli in that part of the city which, being at the north, was the most distant from their own position. this temple, dedicated to the dread war-god, was inferior only to the pyramid in the great square; and on it the spaniards had more than once seen their unhappy countrymen led to slaughter. they now supposed that the enemy were employed in some of their diabolical ceremonies,—when the flame, mounting higher and higher, showed that the sanctuaries themselves were on fire. a shout of exultation at the sight broke forth from the assembled soldiers, as they assured one another that their countrymen under alvarado had got possession of the building.

it was indeed true. that gallant officer, whose position on the western causeway placed him near the district of tlatelolco, had obeyed his commander’s

[image unavailable.]

view of the great square in mexico

goupil & co., paris

{77}

instructions to the letter, razing every building to the ground in his progress, and filling up the ditches with their ruins. he at length found himself before the great teocalli in the neighborhood of the market. he ordered a company, under a cavalier named gutierre de badajoz, to storm the place, which was defended by a body of warriors, mingled with priests, still more wild and ferocious than the soldiery. the garrison, rushing down the winding terraces, fell on the assailants with such fury as compelled them to retreat in confusion and with some loss. alvarado ordered another detachment to their support. this last was engaged, at the moment, with a body of aztecs, who hung on its rear as it wound up the galleries of the teocalli. thus hemmed in between two enemies, above and below, the position of the spaniards was critical. with sword and buckler, they plunged desperately on the ascending mexicans, and drove them into the courtyard below, where alvarado plied them with such lively volleys of musketry as soon threw them into disorder and compelled them to abandon the ground. being thus rid of annoyance in the rear, the spaniards returned to the charge. they drove the enemy up the heights of the pyramid, and, reaching the broad summit, a fierce encounter followed in mid-air,—such an encounter as takes place where death is the certain consequence of defeat. it ended, as usual, in the discomfiture of the aztecs, who were either slaughtered on the spot still wet with the blood of their own victims, or pitched headlong down the sides of the pyramid.{78}

the area was covered with the various symbols of the barbarous worship of the country, and with two lofty sanctuaries, before whose grinning idols were displayed the heads of several christian captives who had been immolated on their altars. although overgrown by their long, matted hair and bushy beards, the spaniards could recognize, in the livid countenances, their comrades who had fallen into the hands of the enemy. tears fell from their eyes as they gazed on the melancholy spectacle and thought of the hideous death which their countrymen had suffered. they removed the sad relics with decent care, and after the conquest deposited them in consecrated ground, on a spot since covered by the church of the martyrs.[89]

they completed their work by firing the sanctuaries, that the place might be no more polluted by these abominable rites. the flame crept slowly up the lofty pinnacles, in which stone was mingled with wood, till at length, bursting into one bright blaze, it shot up its spiral volume to such a height that it was seen from the most distant quarters of the valley. it was this which had been hailed by the soldiery of cortés, and it served as the beacon-light to both friend and foe, intimating the progress of the christian arms.

the commander-in-chief and his division, animated by the spectacle, made, in their entrance on the following day, more determined efforts to place themselves alongside of their companions{79} under alvarado. the broad canal, above noticed as the only impediment now lying in his way, was to be traversed; and on the farther side the emaciated figures of the aztec warriors were gathered in numbers to dispute the passage, like the gloomy shades that wander—as ancient poets tell us—on the banks of the infernal river. they poured down, however, a storm of missiles, which were no shades, on the heads of the indian laborers while occupied with filling up the wide gap with the ruins of the surrounding buildings. still they toiled on in defiance of the arrowy shower, fresh numbers taking the place of those who fell. and when at length the work was completed, the cavalry rode over the rough plain at full charge against the enemy, followed by the deep array of spearmen, who bore down all opposition with their invincible phalanx.

the spaniards now found themselves on the same ground with alvarado’s division. soon afterwards, that chief, attended by several of his staff, rode into their lines, and cordially embraced his countrymen and companions in arms, for the first time since the beginning of the siege. they were now in the neighborhood of the market. cortés, taking with him a few of his cavaliers, galloped into it. it was a vast enclosure, as the reader has already seen, covering many an acre.[90] its dimen{80}sions were suited to the immense multitudes who gathered there from all parts of the valley in the flourishing days of the aztec monarchy. it was surrounded by porticoes and pavilions for the accommodation of the artisans and traders who there displayed their various fabrics and articles of merchandise. the flat roofs of the piazzas were now covered with crowds of men and women, who gazed in silent dismay on the steel-clad horsemen, that profaned these precincts with their presence for the first time since their expulsion from the capital. the multitude, composed for the most part, probably, of unarmed citizens, seemed taken by surprise; at least, they made no show of resistance; and the general, after leisurely viewing the ground, was permitted to ride back unmolested to the army.

on arriving there, he ascended the teocalli, from which the standard of castile, supplanting the memorials of aztec superstition, was now triumphantly floating. the conqueror, as he strode among the smoking embers on the summit, calmly surveyed the scene of desolation below. the palaces, the temples, the busy marts of industry and trade, the glittering canals, covered with their rich freights from the surrounding country, the royal pomp of groves and gardens, all the splendors of the imperial city, the capital of the western world, forever gone,—and in their place a barren wilderness! how different the spectacle which{81} the year before had met his eye, as it wandered over the same scenes from the heights of the neighboring teocalli, with montezuma at his side! seven-eighths of the city were laid in ruins, with the occasional exception, perhaps, of some colossal temple which it would have required too much time to demolish.[91] the remaining eighth, comprehending the district of tlatelolco, was all that now remained to the aztecs, whose population—still large after all its losses—was crowded into a compass that would hardly have afforded accommodations for a third of their numbers. it was the quarter lying between the great northern and western causeways, and is recognized in the modern capital as the barrio de san jago and its vicinity. it was the favorite residence of the indians after the conquest,[92] though at the present day thinly covered with humble dwellings, forming the straggling suburbs, as it were, of the metropolis. yet it still affords some faint vestiges of what it was in its prouder days; and the curious antiquary, and occasionally the laborer, as he turns up the soil, encounters a glittering fragment of obsidian, or the mouldering head of a lance or arrow, or some other warlike relic, attesting that on this spot the retreating aztecs made their last stand for the independence of their country.[93]{82}

on the day following, cortés, at the head of his battalions, made a second entry into the great tianguez. but this time the mexicans were better prepared for his coming. they were assembled in considerable force in the spacious square. a sharp encounter followed; but it was short. their strength was not equal to their spirit, and they melted away before the rolling fire of musketry, and left the spaniards masters of the enclosure.

the first act was to set fire to some temples, of no great size, within the market-place, or more probably on its borders. as the flames ascended, the aztecs, horror-struck, broke forth into piteous lamentations at the destruction of the deities on whom they relied for protection.[94]

the general’s next step was at the suggestion of a soldier named sotelo, a man who had served under the great captain in the italian wars, where he professed to have gathered knowledge of the science of engineering, as it was then practised. he offered his services to construct a sort of catapult, a machine for discharging stones of great size, which might take the place of the regular battering-ram in demolishing the buildings. as the ammunition, notwithstanding the liberal supplies{83} which from time to time had found their way into the camp, now began to fail, cortés eagerly acceded to a proposal so well suited to his exigences. timber and stone were furnished, and a number of hands were employed, under the direction of the self-styled engineer, in constructing the ponderous apparatus, which was erected on a solid platform of masonry, thirty paces square and seven or eight feet high, that covered the centre of the market-place. this was a work of the aztec princes, and was used as a scaffolding on which mountebanks and jugglers might exhibit their marvellous feats for the amusement of the populace, who took great delight in these performances.[95]

the erection of the machine consumed several days, during which hostilities were suspended, while the artisans were protected from interruption by a strong corps of infantry. at length the work was completed; and the besieged, who with silent awe had beheld from the neighboring azoteas the progress of the mysterious engine which was to lay the remainder of their capital in ruins, now looked with terror for its operation. a stone of huge size was deposited on the timber. the machinery was set in motion; and the rocky fragment was discharged with a tremendous force from the catapult. but, instead of taking the direction of the aztec buildings, it rose high and perpendicularly into the air, and, descending whence it{84} sprung, broke the ill-omened machine into splinters! it was a total failure.

the aztecs were released from their apprehensions, and the soldiery made many a merry jest on the catastrophe, somewhat at the expense of their commander, who testified no little vexation at the disappointment, and still more at his own credulity.