another aztec embassy—destruction of the idols—despatches sent to spain—conspiracy in the camp—the fleet sunk

1519

while the spaniards were occupied with their new settlement, they were surprised by the presence of an embassy from mexico. the account of the imprisonment of the royal collectors had spread rapidly through the country. when it reached the capital, all were filled with amazement at the unprecedented daring of the strangers. in montezuma every other feeling, even that of fear, was swallowed up in indignation; and he showed his wonted energy in the vigorous preparations which he instantly made to punish his rebellious vassals and to avenge the insult offered to the majesty of the empire. but when the aztec officers liberated by cortés reached the capital and reported the courteous treatment they had received from the spanish commander, montezuma’s anger was mitigated, and his superstitious fears, getting the ascendency again, induced him to resume his former timid and conciliatory policy. he accordingly sent an embassy, consisting of two youths,{50} his nephews, and four of the ancient nobles of his court, to the spanish quarters. he provided them, in his usual munificent spirit, with a princely donation of gold, rich cotton stuffs, and beautiful mantles of the plumaje, or feather embroidery. the envoys, on coming before cortés, presented him with the articles, at the same time offering the acknowledgments of their master for the courtesy he had shown in liberating his captive nobles. he was surprised and afflicted, however, that the spaniards should have countenanced his faithless vassals in their rebellion. he had no doubt they were the strangers whose arrival had been so long announced by the oracles, and of the same lineage with himself.[50] from deference to them he would spare the totonacs, while they were present. but the time for vengeance would come.

cortés entertained the indian chieftains with frank hospitality. at the same time, he took care to make such a display of his resources as, while it amused their minds, should leave a deep impression of his power. he then, after a few trifling gifts, dismissed them with a conciliatory message to their master, and the assurance that he should soon pay his respects to him in his capital, where all misunderstanding between them would be readily adjusted.

the totonac allies could scarcely credit their senses, when they gathered the nature of this interview. notwithstanding the presence of the{51} spaniards, they had looked with apprehension to the consequences of their rash act; and their feelings of admiration were heightened into awe for the strangers who, at this distance, could exercise so mysterious an influence over the terrible montezuma.[51]

not long after, the spaniards received an application from the cacique of cempoalla to aid him in a dispute in which he was engaged with a neighboring city. cortés marched with a part of his forces to his support. on the route, one morla, a common soldier, robbed a native of a couple of fowls. cortés, indignant at this violation of his orders before his face, and aware of the importance of maintaining a reputation for good faith with his allies, commanded the man to be hung up, at once, by the roadside, in face of the whole army. fortunately for the poor wretch, pedro de alvarado, the future conqueror of quiché, was present, and ventured to cut down the body while there was yet life in it. he, probably, thought enough had been done for example, and the loss of a single life, unnecessarily, was more than the little band could afford. the anecdote is characteristic, as showing the strict discipline maintained by cortés over his men, and the freedom assumed by his captains, who regarded him on terms nearly of equality,—as a fellow-adventurer with themselves. this feeling of companionship led to a spirit of insubordination among them, which made his own post as commander the more delicate and difficult.{52}

on reaching the hostile city, but a few leagues from the coast, they were received in an amicable manner; and cortés, who was accompanied by his allies, had the satisfaction of reconciling these different branches of the totonac family with each other, without bloodshed. he then returned to cempoalla, where he was welcomed with joy by the people, who were now impressed with as favorable an opinion of his moderation and justice as they had before been of his valor. in token of his gratitude, the indian cacique delivered to the general eight indian maidens, richly dressed, wearing collars and ornaments of gold, with a number of female slaves to wait on them. they were daughters of the principal chiefs, and the cacique requested that the spanish captains might take them as their wives. cortés received the damsels courteously, but told the cacique they must first be baptized, as the sons of the church could have no commerce with idolaters.[52] he then declared that it was a great object of his mission to wean the natives from their heathenish abominations, and besought the totonac lord to allow his idols to be cast down, and the symbols of the true faith to be erected in their place.

to this the other answered, as before, that his gods were good enough for him; nor could all the persuasion of the general, nor the preaching of father olmedo, induce him to acquiesce. mingled with his polytheism, he had conceptions of a su{53}preme and infinite being, creator of the universe, and his darkened understanding could not comprehend how such a being could condescend to take the form of humanity, with its infirmities and ills, and wander about on earth, the voluntary victim of persecution from the hands of those whom his breath had called into existence.[53] he plainly told the spaniards that he would resist any violence offered to his gods, who would, indeed, avenge the act themselves, by the instant destruction of their enemies.

but the zeal of the christians had mounted too high to be cooled by remonstrance or menace. during their residence in the land, they had witnessed more than once the barbarous rites of the natives, their cruel sacrifices of human victims, and their disgusting cannibal repasts.[54] their souls sickened at these abominations, and they agreed with one voice to stand by their general, when he told them that “heaven would never smile on their enterprise if they countenanced such atrocities, and that, for his own part, he was resolved the indian idols should be demolished that very hour, if it cost{54} him his life.” to postpone the work of conversion was a sin. in the enthusiasm of the moment, the dictates of policy and ordinary prudence were alike unheeded.

scarcely waiting for his commands, the spaniards moved towards one of the principal teocallis, or temples, which rose high on a pyramidal foundation, with a steep ascent of stone steps in the middle. the cacique, divining their purpose, instantly called his men to arms. the indian warriors gathered from all quarters, with shrill cries and clashing of weapons; while the priests, in their dark cotton robes, with dishevelled tresses, matted with blood, flowing wildly over their shoulders, rushed frantic among the natives, calling on them to protect their gods from violation! all was now confusion, tumult, and warlike menace, where so lately had been peace and the sweet brotherhood of nations.

cortés took his usual prompt and decided measures. he caused the cacique and some of the principal inhabitants and priests to be arrested by his soldiers. he then commanded them to quiet the people, for, if an arrow was shot against a spaniard, it should cost every one of them his life. marina, at the same time, represented the madness of resistance, and reminded the cacique that if he now alienated the affections of the spaniards he would be left without a protector against the terrible vengeance of montezuma. these temporal considerations seem to have had more weight with the totonac chieftain than those of a more spiritual nature. he covered his face with his hands, ex{55}claiming that the gods would avenge their own wrongs.

the christians were not slow in availing themselves of his tacit acquiescence. fifty soldiers, at a signal from their general, sprang up the great stairway of the temple, entered the building on the summit, the walls of which were black with human gore, tore the huge wooden idols from their foundations, and dragged them to the edge of the terrace. their fantastic forms and features, conveying a symbolic meaning, which was lost on the spaniards, seemed in their eyes only the hideous lineaments of satan. with great alacrity they rolled the colossal monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amidst the triumphant shouts of their own companions, and the groans and lamentations of the natives. they then consummated the whole by burning them in the presence of the assembled multitude.

the same effect followed as in cozumel. the totonacs, finding their deities incapable of preventing or even punishing this profanation of their shrines, conceived a mean opinion of their power, compared with that of the mysterious and formidable strangers. the floor and walls of the teocalli were then cleansed, by command of cortés, from their foul impurities; a fresh coating of stucco was laid on them by the indian masons; and an altar was raised, surmounted by a lofty cross, and hung with garlands of roses. a procession was next formed, in which some of the principal totonac priests, exchanging their dark mantles for robes of white, carried lighted candles in their{56} hands; while an image of the virgin, half smothered under the weight of flowers, was borne aloft, and, as the procession climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited above the altar. mass was performed by father olmedo, and the impressive character of the ceremony and the passionate eloquence of the good priest touched the feelings of the motley audience, until indians as well as spaniards, if we may trust the chronicler, were melted into tears and audible sobs. the protestant missionary seeks to enlighten the understanding of his convert by the pale light of reason. but the bolder catholic, kindling the spirit by the splendor of the spectacle and by the glowing portrait of an agonized redeemer, sweeps along his hearers in a tempest of passion, that drowns everything like reflection. he has secured his convert, however, by the hold on his affections,—an easier and more powerful hold, with the untutored savage, than reason.

an old soldier named juan de torres, disabled by bodily infirmity, consented to remain and watch over the sanctuary and instruct the natives in its services. cortés then, embracing his totonac allies, now brothers in religion as in arms, set out once more for the villa rica, where he had some arrangements to complete previous to his departure for the capital.[55]

he was surprised to find that a spanish vessel had arrived there in his absence, having on board{57} twelve soldiers and two horses. it was under the command of a captain named saucedo, a cavalier of the ocean, who had followed in the track of cortés in quest of adventure. though a small, they afforded a very seasonable body of recruits for the little army. by these men, the spaniards were informed that velasquez, the governor of cuba, had lately received a warrant from the spanish government to establish a colony in the newly-discovered countries.

cortés now resolved to put a plan in execution which he had been some time meditating. he knew that all the late acts of the colony, as well as his own authority, would fall to the ground without the royal sanction. he knew, too, that the interest of velasquez, which was great at court, would, so soon as he was acquainted with his secession, be wholly employed to circumvent and crush him. he resolved to anticipate his movements, and to send a vessel to spain with despatches addressed to the emperor himself, announcing the nature and extent of his discoveries, and to obtain, if possible, the confirmation of his proceedings. in order to conciliate his master’s good will, he further proposed to send him such a present as should suggest lofty ideas of the importance of his own services to the crown. to effect this, the royal fifth he considered inadequate. he conferred with his officers, and persuaded them to relinquish their share of the treasure. at his instance, they made a similar application to the soldiers; representing that it was the earnest wish of the general, who set the example by resigning{58} his own fifth, equal to the share of the crown. it was but little that each man was asked to surrender, but the whole would make a present worthy of the monarch for whom it was intended. by this sacrifice they might hope to secure his indulgence for the past and his favor for the future; a temporary sacrifice, that would be well repaid by the security of the rich possessions which awaited them in mexico. a paper was then circulated among the soldiers, which all who were disposed to relinquish their shares were requested to sign. those who declined should have their claims respected, and receive the amount due to them. no one refused to sign; thus furnishing another example of the extraordinary power obtained by cortés over these rapacious spirits, who, at his call, surrendered up the very treasures which had been the great object of their hazardous enterprise![56]

he accompanied this present with a letter to{59} the emperor, in which he gave a full account of all that had befallen him since his departure from cuba; of his various discoveries, battles, and traffic with the natives; their conversion to christianity; his strange perils and sufferings; many particulars respecting the lands he had visited, and such as he could collect in regard to the great mexican monarchy and its sovereign. he stated his difficulties with the governor of cuba, the proceedings of the army in reference to colonization, and besought the emperor to confirm their acts, as well as his own authority, expressing his entire confidence that he should be able, with the aid of his brave followers, to place the castilian crown in possession of this great indian empire.[57]

this was the celebrated first letter, as it is called, of cortés, which has hitherto eluded every{60} search that has been made for it in the libraries of europe.[58] its existence is fully established by references to it, both in his own subsequent letters, and in the writings of contemporaries.[59] its general{61} purport is given by his chaplain gomara. the importance of the document has doubtless been much overrated; and, should it ever come to light, it will probably be found to add little of interest to the matter contained in the letter from vera cruz, which has formed the basis of the preceding portion of our narrative. cortés had no sources of information beyond those open to the authors of the latter document. he was even less full and frank in his communications, if it be true that he suppressed all notice of the discoveries of his two immediate predecessors.[60]

the magistrates of the villa rica, in their epistle, went over the same ground with cortés; concluding with an emphatic representation of the misconduct of velasquez, whose venality, extortion, and selfish devotion to his personal interests, to the exclusion of those of his sovereigns as well as of his own followers, they placed in a most clear and unenviable light.[61] they implored the gov{62}ernment not to sanction his interference with the new colony, which would be fatal to its welfare, but to commit the undertaking to hernando cortés, as the man most capable, by his experience and conduct, of bringing it to a glorious termination.[62]

with this letter went also another in the name of the citizen-soldiers of villa rica, tendering their dutiful submission to the sovereigns, and requesting the confirmation of their proceedings, above all, that of cortés as their general.

the selection of the agents for the mission was a delicate matter, as on the result might depend the future fortunes of the colony and its commander. cortés intrusted the affair to two cavaliers on whom he could rely; francisco de montejo, the ancient partisan of velasquez, and alonso hernandez de puertocarrero. the latter officer was{63} a near kinsman of the count of medellin, and it was hoped his high connections might secure a favorable influence at court.

together with the treasure, which seemed to verify the assertion that “the land teemed with gold as abundantly as that whence solomon drew the same precious metal for his temple,”[63] several indian manuscripts were sent. some were of cotton, others of the mexican agave. their unintelligible characters, says a chronicler, excited little interest in the conquerors. as evidence of intellectual culture, however, they formed higher objects of interest to a philosophic mind than those costly fabrics which attested only the mechanical ingenuity of the nation.[64] four indian slaves were added as specimens of the natives. they had been rescued from the cages in which they were confined for sacrifice. one of the best vessels of the fleet was selected for the voyage, manned by fifteen seamen, and placed under the direction of the pilot alaminos. he was directed to hold his course through the bahama channel, north of cuba, or fernandina, as it was then called, and on no account to touch at that island, or any other in the indian ocean. with these instructions, the good ship took its departure on the 26th of july, freighted with the treasures and the good wishes{64} of the community of the villa rica de vera cruz.

after a quick run the emissaries made the island of cuba, and, in direct disregard of orders, anchored before marien, on the northern side of the island. this was done to accommodate montejo, who wished to visit a plantation owned by him in the neighborhood. while off the port, a sailor got on shore, and, crossing the island to st. jago, the capital, spread everywhere tidings of the expedition, until they reached the ears of velasquez. it was the first intelligence which had been received of the armament since its departure; and, as the governor listened to the recital, it would not be easy to paint the mingled emotions of curiosity, astonishment, and wrath which agitated his bosom. in the first sally of passion, he poured a storm of invective on the heads of his secretary and treasurer, the friends of cortés, who had recommended him as the leader of the expedition. after somewhat relieving himself in this way, he despatched two fast-sailing vessels to marien with orders to seize the rebel ship, and, in case of her departure, to follow and overtake her.

but before the ships could reach that port the bird had flown, and was far on her way across the broad atlantic. stung with mortification at this fresh disappointment, velasquez wrote letters of indignant complaint to the government at home, and to the hieronymite fathers in hispaniola, demanding redress. he obtained little satisfaction from the latter. he resolved, however, to take the matter into his own hands, and set about mak{65}ing formidable preparations for another squadron, which should be more than a match for that under his rebellious officer. he was indefatigable in his exertions, visiting every part of the island, and straining all his resources to effect his purpose. the preparations were on a scale that necessarily consumed many months.

meanwhile the little vessel was speeding her prosperous way across the waters, and, after touching at one of the azores, came safely into the harbor of st. lucar, in the month of october. however long it may appear in the more perfect nautical science of our day, it was reckoned a fair voyage for that. of what befell the commissioners on their arrival, their reception at court, and the sensation caused by their intelligence, i defer the account to a future chapter.[65]

shortly after the departure of the commissioners, an affair occurred of a most unpleasant nature. a number of persons, with the priest juan diaz at their head, ill-affected, from some cause or other, towards the administration of cortés, or not relishing the hazardous expedition before them, laid a plan to seize one of the vessels, make the best of their way to cuba, and report to the governor the fate of the armament. it was conducted with so much secrecy that the party had got their provisions, water, and everything neces{66}sary for the voyage, on board, without detection; when the conspiracy was betrayed, on the very night they were to sail, by one of their own number, who repented the part he had taken in it. the general caused the persons implicated to be instantly apprehended. an examination was instituted. the guilt of the parties was placed beyond a doubt. sentence of death was passed on two of the ringleaders; another, the pilot, was condemned to lose his feet, and several others to be whipped. the priest, probably the most guilty of the whole, claiming the usual benefit of clergy, was permitted to escape. one of those condemned to the gallows was named escudero, the very alguacil who, the reader may remember, so stealthily apprehended cortés before the sanctuary in cuba.[66] the general, on signing the death-warrants, was heard to exclaim, “would that i had never learned to write!” it was not the first time, it was remarked, that the exclamation had been uttered in similar circumstances.[67]

the arrangements being now finally settled at the villa rica, cortés sent forward alvarado, with a large part of the army, to cempoalla, where he soon after joined them with the remainder. the late affair of the conspiracy seems to have made a deep impression on his mind. it showed him that{67} there were timid spirits in the camp on whom he could not rely, and who, he feared, might spread the seeds of disaffection among their companions. even the more resolute, on any occasion of disgust or disappointment hereafter, might falter in purpose, and, getting possession of the vessels, abandon the enterprise. this was already too vast, and the odds were too formidable, to authorize expectation of success with diminution of numbers. experience showed that this was always to be apprehended while means of escape were at hand.[68] the best chance for success was to cut off these means. he came to the daring resolution to destroy the fleet, without the knowledge of his army.

when arrived at cempoalla, he communicated his design to a few of his devoted adherents, who entered warmly into his views. through them he readily persuaded the pilots, by means of those golden arguments which weigh more than any other with ordinary minds, to make such a report of the condition of the fleet as suited his purpose. the ships, they said, were grievously racked by the heavy gales they had encountered, and, what was worse, the worms had eaten into their sides and bottoms until most of them were not seaworthy, and some, indeed, could scarcely now be kept afloat.{68}

cortés received the communication with surprise; “for he could well dissemble,” observes las casas, with his usual friendly comment, “when it suited his interests.” “if it be so,” he exclaimed, “we must make the best of it! heaven’s will be done!”[69] he then ordered five of the worst conditioned to be dismantled, their cordage, sails, iron, and whatever was movable, to be brought on shore, and the ships to be sunk. a survey was made of the others, and, on a similar report, four more were condemned in the same manner. only one small vessel remained!

when the intelligence reached the troops in cempoalla, it caused the deepest consternation. they saw themselves cut off by a single blow from friends, family, country! the stoutest hearts quailed before the prospect of being thus abandoned on a hostile shore, a handful of men arrayed against a formidable empire. when the news arrived of the destruction of the five vessels first condemned, they had acquiesced in it as a necessary measure, knowing the mischievous activity of the insects in these tropical seas. but, when this was followed by the loss of the remaining four, suspicions of the truth flashed on their minds. they felt they were betrayed. murmurs, at first deep, swelled louder and louder, menacing open mutiny. “their general,” they said, “had led them like cattle to be butchered in the sham{69}bles!”[70] the affair wore a most alarming aspect. in no situation was cortés ever exposed to greater danger from his soldiers.[71]

his presence of mind did not desert him at this crisis. he called his men together, and, employing the tones of persuasion rather than authority, assured them that a survey of the ships showed they were not fit for service. if he had ordered them to be destroyed, they should consider, also, that his was the greatest sacrifice, for they were his property,—all, indeed, he possessed in the world. the troops, on the other hand, would derive one great advantage from it, by the addition of a hundred able-bodied recruits, before required to man the vessels. but, even if the fleet had been saved, it could have been of little service in their present expedition; since they would not need it if they succeeded, while they would be too far in the interior to profit by it if they failed. he besought them to turn their thoughts in another direction. to be thus calculating chances and means of escape was unworthy of brave souls. they had set their hands to the work; to look back, as they advanced, would be their ruin. they had only to resume their former confidence in themselves and their general, and success was certain. “as for me,” he concluded, “i have chosen my part. i will remain here, while there is one to bear{70} me company. if there be any so craven as to shrink from sharing the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let them go home, in god’s name. there is still one vessel left. let them take that and return to cuba. they can tell there how they deserted their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait till we return loaded with the spoils of the aztecs.”[72]

the politic orator had touched the right chord in the bosoms of the soldiers. as he spoke, their resentment gradually died away. the faded visions of future riches and glory, rekindled by his eloquence, again floated before their imaginations. the first shock over, they felt ashamed of their temporary distrust. the enthusiasm for their leader revived, for they felt that under his banner only they could hope for victory; and, as he concluded, they testified the revulsion of their feelings by making the air ring with their shouts, “to mexico! to mexico!”

the destruction of his fleet by cortés is, perhaps, the most remarkable passage in the life of this remarkable man. history, indeed, affords examples of a similar expedient in emergencies somewhat similar; but none where the chances of success were so precarious and defeat would be so disastrous.[73] had he failed, it might well seem

[image unavailable.]

cortés sinking his ships

goupil & co., paris

{71}

an act of madness. yet it was the fruit of deliberate calculation. he had set fortune, fame, life itself, all upon the cast, and must abide the issue. there was no alternative in his mind but to succeed or perish. the measure he adopted greatly increased the chance of success. but to carry it into execution, in the face of an incensed and desperate soldiery, was an act of resolution that has few parallels in history.[74]{72}

fray bartolomé de las casas, bishop of chiapa, whose “history of the indies” forms an important authority for the preceding pages, was one of the most remarkable men of the sixteenth century. he was born at seville in 1474. his father accompanied columbus, as a common soldier, in his first voyage to the new world; and he acquired wealth enough by his vocation to place his son at the university of salamanca. during his residence there, he was attended by an indian page, whom his father had brought with him from hispaniola. thus the uncompromising advocate for freedom began{73} his career as the owner of a slave himself. but he did not long remain so, for his slave was one of those subsequently liberated by the generous commands of isabella.

in 1498 he completed his studies in law and divinity, took his degree of licentiate, and in 1502 accompanied oviedo, in the most brilliant armada which had been equipped for the western world. eight years after, he was admitted to priest’s orders in st. domingo, an event somewhat memorable, since he was the first person consecrated in that holy office in the colonies. on the occupation of cuba by the spaniards, las casas passed over to that island, where he obtained a curacy in a small settlement. he soon, however, made himself known to the governor, velasquez, by the fidelity with which he discharged his duties, and especially by the influence which his mild and benevolent teaching obtained for him over the indians. through his intimacy with the governor, las casas had the means of ameliorating the condition of the conquered race, and from this time he may be said to have consecrated all his energies to this one great object. at this period, the scheme of repartimientos, introduced soon after the discoveries of columbus, was in full operation, and the aboriginal population of the islands was rapidly melting away under a system of oppression which has been seldom paralleled in the annals of mankind. las casas, outraged at the daily exhibition of crime and misery, returned to spain to obtain some redress from government. ferdinand died soon after his arrival. charles was absent, but the reins were held by cardinal ximenes, who listened to the complaints of the benevolent missionary, and, with his characteristic vigor, instituted a commission of three hieronymite friars, with full authority, as already noticed in the text, to reform abuses. las casas was honored, for his exertions, with the title of “protector-general of the indians.”

the new commissioners behaved with great discretion. but their office was one of consummate difficulty, as it required time to introduce important changes in established institutions. the ardent and impetuous temper of las casas, disdaining every consideration of prudence, overleaped till these obstacles, and chafed under what he considered the lukewarm and temporizing policy of the commissioners. as he was at no pains to conceal his disgust, the parties soon came to a misunderstanding with each other; and las casas again returned to the mother-country, to stimulate the government, if possible, to more effectual measures for the protection of the natives.

he found the country under the administration of the flemings, who discovered from the first a wholesome abhorrence of the abuses practised in the colonies, and who, in short, seemed inclined to tolerate no peculation or extortion but their own. they acquiesced, without much difficulty, in the recommendations of las casas, who proposed to relieve the natives by sending out castilian laborers and by importing negro slaves into the islands. this last proposition has{74} brought heavy obloquy on the head of its author, who has been freely accused of having thus introduced negro slavery into the new world. others, with equal groundlessness, have attempted to vindicate his memory from the reproach of having recommended the measure at all. unfortunately for the latter assertion, las casas, in his “history of the indies,” confesses, with deep regret and humiliation, his advice on this occasion, founded on the most erroneous views, as he frankly states; since, to use his own words, “the same law applies equally to the negro as to the indian.” but, so far from having introduced slavery by this measure into the islands, the importation of blacks there dates from the beginning of the century. it was recommended by some of the wisest and most benevolent persons in the colony, as the means of diminishing the amount of human suffering; since the african was more fitted by his constitution to endure the climate and the severe toil imposed on the slave, than the feeble and effeminate islander. it was a suggestion of humanity, however mistaken, and, considering the circumstances under which it occurred, and the age, it may well be forgiven in las casas, especially taking into view that, as he became more enlightened himself, he was so ready to testify his regret at having unadvisedly countenanced the measure.

the experiment recommended by las casas was made, but, through the apathy of fonseca, president of the indian council, not heartily,—and it failed. the good missionary now proposed another and much bolder scheme. he requested that a large tract of country in tierra firme, in the neighborhood of the famous pearl-fisheries, might be ceded to him for the purpose of planting a colony there, and of converting the natives to christianity. he required that none of the authorities of the islands, and no military force, especially, should be allowed to interfere with his movements. he pledged himself by peaceful means alone to accomplish all that had been done by violence in other quarters. he asked only that a certain number of laborers should attend him, invited by a bounty from government, and that he might further be accompanied by fifty dominicans, who were to be distinguished like himself by a peculiar dress, that should lead the natives to suppose them a different race of men from the spaniards. this proposition was denounced as chimerical and fantastic by some, whose own opportunities of observation entitled their judgment to respect. these men declared the indian, from his nature, incapable of civilization. the question was one of such moment that charles the fifth ordered the discussion to be conducted before him. the opponent of las casas was first heard, when the good missionary, in answer, warmed by the noble cause he was to maintain, and nothing daunted by the august presence in which he stood, delivered himself with a fervent eloquence that went directly to the hearts of his auditors. “the christian religion,” he concluded, “is equal in its operation, and is accommodated to every nation on the globe. it robs no one of his freedom,{75} violates none of his inherent rights, on the ground that he is a slave by nature, as pretended; and it well becomes your majesty to banish so monstrous an oppression from your kingdom in the beginning of your reign, that the almighty may make it long and glorious.”

in the end las casas prevailed. he was furnished with the men and means for establishing his colony, and in 1520 embarked for america. but the result was a lamentable failure. the country assigned to him lay in the neighborhood of a spanish settlement, which had already committed some acts of violence on the natives. to quell the latter, now thrown into commotion, an armed force was sent by the young “admiral” from hispaniola. the very people, among whom las casas was to appear as the messenger of peace, were thus involved in deadly strife with his countrymen. the enemy had been before him in his own harvest. while waiting for the close of these turbulent scenes, the laborers, whom he had taken out with him, dispersed, in despair of effecting their object. and after an attempt to pursue, with his faithful dominican brethren, the work of colonization further, other untoward circumstances compelled them to abandon the project altogether. its unfortunate author, overwhelmed with chagrin, took refuge in the dominican monastery in the island of hispaniola. the failure of the enterprise should, no doubt, be partly ascribed to circumstances beyond the control of its projector. yet it is impossible not to recognize in the whole scheme, and in the conduct of it, the hand of one much more familiar with books than men, who, in the seclusion of the cloister, had meditated and matured his benevolent plans, without fully estimating the obstacles that lay in their way, and who counted too confidently on meeting the same generous enthusiasm in others which glowed in his own bosom.

he found, in his disgrace, the greatest consolation and sympathy from the brethren of st. dominic, who stood forth as the avowed champions of the indians on all occasions, and showed themselves as devoted to the cause of freedom in the new world as they had been hostile to it in the old. las casas soon became a member of their order, and, in his monastic retirement, applied himself for many years to the performance of his spiritual duties, and the composition of various works, all directed, more or less, to vindicate the rights of the indians. here, too, he commenced his great work the “historia general de las indias,” which he pursued, at intervals of leisure, from 1527 till a few years before his death. his time, however, was not wholly absorbed by these labors; and he found means to engage in several laborious missions. he preached the gospel among the natives of nicaragua and guatemala, and succeeded in converting and reducing to obedience some wild tribes in the latter province, who had defied the arms of his countrymen. in all these pious labors he was sustained by his dominican brethren. at length, in 1539, he crossed the waters again, to seek further assistance and recruits among the members of his order.{76}

a great change had taken place in the board that now presided over the colonial department. the cold and narrow-minded fonseca, who, during his long administration, had, it may be truly said, shown himself the enemy of every great name and good measure connected with the indians, had died. his place, as president of the indian council, was filled by loaysa, charles’s confessor. this functionary, general of the dominicans, gave ready audience to las casas, and showed a good will to his proposed plans of reform. charles, too, now grown older, seemed to feel more deeply the responsibility of his station, and the necessity of redressing the wrongs, too long tolerated, of his american subjects. the state of the colonies became a common topic of discussion, not only in the council, but in the court; and the representations of las casas made an impression that manifested itself in the change of sentiment more clearly every day. he promoted this by the publication of some of his writings at this time, and especially of his “brevísima relacion,” or short account of the destruction of the indies, in which he sets before the reader the manifold atrocities committed by his countrymen in different parts of the new world in the prosecution of their conquests. it is a tale of woe. every line of the work may be said to be written in blood. however good the motives of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written. he would have been certainly right not to spare his countrymen; to exhibit their misdeeds in their true colors, and by this appalling picture—for such it would have been—to have recalled the nation, and those who governed it, to a proper sense of the iniquitous career it was pursuing on the other side of the water. but, to produce a more striking effect, he has lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. the wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. yet the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of exaggeration. the book found great favor with foreigners; was rapidly translated into various languages, and ornamented with characteristic designs, which seemed to put into action all the recorded atrocities of the text. it excited somewhat different feelings in his own countrymen, particularly the people of the colonies, who considered themselves the subjects of a gross, however undesigned, misrepresentation; and in his future intercourse with them it contributed, no doubt, to diminish his influence and consequent usefulness, by the spirit of alienation, and even resentment, which it engendered.

las casas’ honest intentions, his enlightened views and long experience, gained him deserved credit at home. this was visible in the important regulations made at this time for the better government of the colonies, and particularly in respect to the aborigines. a code of laws, las nuevas leyes, was passed, having for their avowed object the enfranchisement of this unfortunate race; and in{77} the wisdom and humanity of its provisions it is easy to recognize the hand of the protector of the indians. the history of spanish colonial legislation is the history of the impotent struggles of the government in behalf of the natives, against the avarice and cruelty of its subjects. it proves that an empire powerful at home—and spain then was so—may be so widely extended that its authority shall scarcely be felt in its extremities.

the government testified their sense of the signal services of las casas by promoting him to the bishopric of cuzco, one of the richest sees in the colonies. but the disinterested soul of the missionary did not covet riches or preferment. he rejected the proffered dignity without hesitation. yet he could not refuse the bishopric of chiapa, a country which, from the poverty and ignorance of its inhabitants, offered a good field for his spiritual labors. in 1544, though at the advanced age of seventy, he took upon himself these new duties, and embarked, for the fifth and last time, for the shores of america. his fame had preceded him. the colonists looked on his coming with apprehension, regarding him as the real author of the new code, which struck at their ancient immunities, and which he would be likely to enforce to the letter. everywhere he was received with coldness. in some places his person was menaced with violence. but the venerable presence of the prelate, his earnest expostulations, which flowed so obviously from conviction, and his generous self-devotion, so regardless of personal considerations, preserved him from this outrage. yet he showed no disposition to conciliate his opponents by what he deemed an unworthy concession; and he even stretched the arm of authority so far as to refuse the sacraments to any who still held an indian in bondage. this high-handed measure not only outraged the planters, but incurred the disapprobation of his own brethren in the church. three years were spent in disagreeable altercation without coming to any decision. the spaniards, to borrow their accustomed phraseology on these occasions, “obeying the law, but not fulfilling it,” applied to the court for further instructions; and the bishop, no longer supported by his own brethren, thwarted by the colonial magistrates, and outraged by the people, relinquished a post where his presence could be no longer useful, and returned to spend the remainder of his days in tranquillity at home.

yet, though withdrawn to his dominican convent, he did not pass his hours in slothful seclusion. he again appeared as the champion of indian freedom in the famous controversy with sepulveda, one of the most acute scholars of the time, and far surpassing las casas in elegance and correctness of composition. but the bishop of chiapa was his superior in argument, at least in this discussion, where he had right and reason on his side. in his “thirty propositions,” as they are called, in which he sums up the several points of his case, he maintains that the circumstance of infidelity in religion cannot deprive a nation of its political rights; that the holy{78} see, in its grant of the new world to the catholic sovereigns, designed only to confer the right of converting its inhabitants to christianity, and of thus winning a peaceful authority over them, and that no authority could be valid which rested on other foundations. this was striking at the root of the colonial empire as assumed by castile. but the disinterested views of las casas, the respect entertained for his principles, and the general conviction, it may be, of the force of his arguments, prevented the court from taking umbrage at their import, or from pressing them to their legitimate conclusion. while the writings of his adversary were interdicted from publication, he had the satisfaction to see his own printed and circulated in every quarter.

from this period his time was distributed among his religious duties, his studies, and the composition of his works, especially his history. his constitution, naturally excellent, had been strengthened by a life of temperance and toil; and he retained his faculties unimpaired to the last. he died after a short illness, july, 1566, at the great age of ninety-two, in his monastery of atocha, at madrid.

the character of las casas may be inferred from his career. he was one of those to whose gifted minds are revealed those glorious moral truths which, like the lights of heaven, are fixed and the same forever, but which, though now familiar, were hidden from all but a few penetrating intellects by the general darkness of the time in which he lived. he was a reformer, and had the virtues and errors of a reformer. he was inspired by one great and glorious idea. this was the key to all his thoughts, to all that he said and wrote, to every act of his long life. it was this which urged him to lift the voice of rebuke in the presence of princes, to brave the menaces of an infuriated populace, to cross seas, to traverse mountains and deserts, to incur the alienation of friends, the hostility of enemies, to endure obloquy, insult, and persecution. it was this, too, which made him reckless of obstacles, led him to count too confidently on the co-operation of others, animated his discussion, sharpened his invective, too often steeped his pen in the gall of personal vituperation, led him into gross exaggeration and over-coloring in his statements and a blind credulity of evil that rendered him unsafe as a counsellor and unsuccessful in the practical concerns of life. his views were pure and elevated. but his manner of enforcing them was not always so commendable. this may be gathered not only from the testimony of the colonists generally, who, as parties interested, may be supposed to have been prejudiced, but from that of the members of his own profession, persons high in office, and of integrity beyond suspicion, not to add that of missionaries engaged in the same good work with himself. these, in their letters and reported conversations, charged the bishop of chiapa with an arrogant, uncharitable temper, which deluded his judgment, and vented itself in unwarrantable crimination against such as resisted his{79} projects or differed from him in opinion. las casas, in short, was a man. but, if he had the errors of humanity, he had virtues that rarely belong to it. the best commentary on his character is the estimation which he obtained in the court of his sovereign. a liberal pension was settled on him after his last return from america, which he chiefly expended on charitable objects. no measure of importance relating to the indians was taken without his advice. he lived to see the fruits of his efforts in the positive amelioration of their condition, and in the popular admission of those great truths which it had been the object of his life to unfold. and who shall say how much of the successful efforts and arguments since made in behalf of persecuted humanity may be traced to the example and the writings of this illustrious philanthropist?

his compositions were numerous, most of them of no great length. some were printed in his time; others have since appeared, especially in the french translation of llorente. his great work, which occupied him at intervals for more than thirty years, the historia general de las indias, still remains in manuscript. it is in three volumes, divided into as many parts, and embraces the colonial history from the discovery of the country by columbus to the year 1520. the style of the work, like that of all his writings, is awkward, disjointed, and excessively diffuse, abounding in repetitions, irrelevant digressions, and pedantic citations. but it is sprinkled over with passages of a different kind; and, when he is roused by the desire to exhibit some gross wrong to the natives, his simple language kindles into eloquence, and he expounds those great and immutable principles of natural justice which in his own day were so little understood. his defect as a historian is that he wrote history, like everything else, under the influence of one dominant idea. he is always pleading the cause of the persecuted native. this gives a coloring to events which passed under his own eyes, and filled him with a too easy confidence in those which he gathered from the reports of others. much of the preceding portion of our narrative which relates to affairs in cuba must have come under his personal observation. but he seems incapable of shaking off his early deference to velasquez, who, as we have noticed, treated him, while a poor curate in the island, with peculiar confidence. for cortés, on the other hand, he appears to have felt a profound contempt. he witnessed the commencement of his career, when he was standing, cap in hand, as it were, at the proud governor’s door, thankful even for a smile of recognition. las casas remembered all this, and, when he saw the conqueror of mexico rise into a glory and renown that threw his former patron into the shade,—and most unfairly, as las casas deemed, at the expense of that patron,—the good bishop could not withhold his indignation, nor speak of him otherwise than with a sneer, as a mere upstart adventurer.

it is the existence of defects like these, and the fear of the misconception likely to be produced by them, that have so long pre{80}vented the publication of his history. at his death, he left it to the convent of san gregorio, at valladolid, with directions that it should not be printed for forty years, nor be seen during that time by any layman or member of the fraternity. herrera, however, was permitted to consult it, and he liberally transferred its contents to his own volumes, which appeared in 1601. the royal academy of history revised the first volume of las casas some years since, with a view to the publication of the whole work. but the indiscreet and imaginative style of the composition, according to navarrete, and the consideration that its most important facts were already known through other channels, induced that body to abandon the design. with deference to their judgment, this seems to me a mistake. las casas, with every deduction, is one of the great writers of the nation; great from the important truths which he discerned when none else could see them, and from the courage with which he proclaimed them to the world. they are scattered over his history as well as his other writings. they are not, however, the passages transcribed by herrera. in the statement of fact, too, however partial and prejudiced, no one will impeach his integrity; and, as an enlightened contemporary, his evidence is of undeniable value. it is due to the memory of las casas that, if his work be given to the public at all, it should not be through the garbled extracts of one who was no fair interpreter of his opinions. las casas does not speak for himself in the courtly pages of herrera. yet the history should not be published without a suitable commentary to enlighten the student and guard him against any undue prejudices in the writer. we may hope that the entire manuscript will one day be given to the world under the auspices of that distinguished body which has already done so much in this way for the illustration of the national annals.{*}

{*}: [the historia de las indias was published in five volumes, in 1875-76, by the royal academy of history in madrid. prescott’s manuscript copy of the work was probably burned in boston in 1872.—m.]

the life of las casas has been several times written. the two memoirs most worthy of notice are that by llorente, late secretary of the inquisition, prefixed to his french translation of the bishop’s controversial writings, and that by quintana, in the third volume of his “espa?oles célebres,” where it presents a truly noble specimen of biographical composition, enriched by a literary criticism as acute as it is candid. i have gone to the greater length in this notice, from the interesting character of the man, and the little that is known of him to the english reader. i have also transferred a passage from his work in the original to the appendix, that the spanish scholar may form an idea of his style of composition. he ceases to be an authority for us henceforth, as his account of the expedition of cortés terminates with the destruction of the navy.