rumors in mexico concerning the country to the south-eastward—pacification in that quarter—the chiefs of tehuantepec and tututepec—at the gate of guatemala—summary of aboriginal history—allegiance and revolt—preparing of an expedition—delayed by the troubles at pánuco—a second army organized—the march—subjugation of soconusco—the taking of zapotitlan.
some time before olid entered honduras the attention of alvarado was directed toward guatemala. lying between mexico and nicaragua, this country was one of the first links in cortés' chain of projected conquests; it was the foreground in the glowing picture which rumor had painted of the regions to the south. here were the greatest of cities and the finest of palaces, maintained by a people as numerous and cultured as any in anáhuac. a vast table-land, with an italian climate, made bright with meandering streams, studded with verdure-fringed lakes, produced in abundance the choicest of products, while the mountains and river-beds, in the ardent imagination of the conquerors, at least, were veined with gold. soft sensuous pearls were distributed by an equally lavish fancy along the shore bathed by the southern sea.
on first touching the borders of new spain vague stories had reached cortés to this effect, and while captive montezuma still held sway at tenochtitlan he had sought further information. the reports poured into his ears served only to magnify the mystery 618 and render the allurement irresistible. as soon, therefore, as the contest with the empire was over he despatched two small parties southward, and once again the drama of vasco nu?ez was performed, once more was discovered and claimed the boundless ocean, emblem of infinity, incentive to ever greater deeds, to ever grander discoveries, "for within it," writes cortés to the emperor, "must be found islands rich in gold and pearls, and precious stones and spices, and many other secrets and wonderful things, as men of experience and learning affirm."[xxii-1]
there was more than speculation in this statement, for the explorers returned with native envoys bearing gold and pearls and other specimens of riches. nor had they failed, in accordance with the catholic doctrine of appropriation, as i have intimated, to take possession of the new shores in the names of their catholic majesties, the king and queen of spain, and to erect the cross, emblematic of their religion. with doubled impulse the conquerors now advanced along the new route opened, and speedily the vast provinces of michoacan and oajaca were overrun. about the same time pilot andrés ni?o had stretched the limit of discovery by sea from the gulf of nicoya to very near this parallel,[xxii-2] disclosing to the world the vastness of the sea baptized with the blood of magellan, and by him endowed with a new name.
tehuantepec and tututepec.
native envoys were meanwhile entering into mexico to lay homage and rich gifts at the feet of the bearded white chief. made happy in return with castilian trumpery and the gracious condescension of the demi-gods, they went back to pour into the ears of their princes the tales impressed upon them by the strangers, of the power and grandeur of their king, and of the kindness and vast benefits to be derived from a submissive alliance with them. among the first of the meek and friendly spirits to act upon 619 these reports was the lord of tehuantepec. less credulous was his neighbor of tututepec, who had great wealth, and by no means relished the idea of throwing open his gates to rapacious invaders. he expostulated with his neighbor, saying that the course meditated would be ruinous to them all. the two chieftains had quarrelled before on a less momentous issue than the present, and it was quite easy for them to quarrel now, and fight. if the silly lord of tehuantepec wished to throw away himself and all his belongings, it were better they should fall into a neighbor's hands than to strangers; so he of tututepec attacked him and pressed him hard, until the ruler of tehuantepec called to cortés for help.
in answer to this request pedro de alvarado was sent to his aid. leaving mexico early in 1522, with a strong force, he swept southward like a whirlwind, and within a few weeks entered the doomed capital of tututepec, captured the chieftain and his heir, and held them subject to heavy ransom. nor was this all. there were rich mines thereabout, so he was told; and at the sea, into which he entered with brandished sword to take possession, his eyes feasted on lustrous pearls. this sealed the fate of the ocean-bordered realms, and permanent footholds were established, to serve as nuclei for radiating conquest, and as retreats for booty-laden raiders. it was on this occasion that soconusco was peaceably occupied by the spaniards.[xxii-3] still more dazzling was the confirmation received of the wonderful kingdoms of the quichés and the cakchiquels, hitherto invested by distance with the charm of mystery, but now by proximity disclosing glimpses of no mean splendor. he found himself, in fact, not far from the border, and guides being at hand, he resolved to send two soldiers to investigate, with instructions to spy out the land and speak of their king and their religion. 620
and thus are opened the portals of guatemala,[xxii-4] a region within whose parallels centuries rocked the cradle of american civilization, now disclosed by monuments the most imposing of any on the continent. the history of their origin is hidden in the remote past, of which only an occasional glimpse is permitted the investigator. a mighty maya empire looms forth under the name of xibalba, founded perhaps by votan, the culture-hero, and centring round the famous palenque. a golden age was followed by long struggles with a growing power, which brought about its downfall toward the beginning of our era. the nahuas now rise into prominence, but some five centuries later disaster falls also on them, and a general breaking-up ensues, leading to mighty migrations and the formation of smaller independent nations, such as the toltecs, chichimecs, and quichés. after this even tradition ceases to speak, save in alluding vaguely to a later foreign immigration. with this come also certain toltecs, who, after the downfall of their empire in the more northerly anáhuac, seek here an asylum where once again may bloom the culture that, cradled in this very region, now returns with invigorating elements. mingling with the natives, they stir anew the progress paralyzed by civil wars, infuse fresh spirit into tottering institutions, and, combining with the aboriginal culture, develop the new era apparent in the art relics of this western plateau.
a series of struggles soon ensues, out of which rises in the twelfth or thirteenth century the quiché empire. subordinate tribes gradually acquire sufficient strength, however, to cast off a yoke which has 621 grown burdensome, and foremost among the new nations figure the cakchiquels, who in the early part of the fifteenth century are dividing domination with the quichés. the cakchiquels themselves divide soon after, the northern and weaker branch forming the zutugils, their respective capitals being patinamit and atitlan. these, with their former masters, are the three rival monarchies of guatemala in the beginning of the sixteenth century. the quichés, who govern at utatlan, nevertheless maintain a certain pre?minence, both in political standing and culture. there are, besides, a number of minor independent peoples only too eager to stimulate enmity between the leading powers, and to ally themselves with that which is likely to favor their own interests. this condition of things, so favorable to foreign intrigue, has not escaped the attention of the ambitious aztecs, who are already masters of the soconusco border province. their agents are in fact scattered throughout the country, laying plans for further conquests, when the spaniards step in to lay their iron hand upon the country, which here as in other parts they find too well prepared for them by ambition and misrule.
signs and omens.
nor do we fail to find foreshadowed here, as elsewhere upon the pages of history, the momentous event. there were startling occurrences, such as conflagrations and locust ravages; there was a ball of fire, which for many evenings rose in the east and followed the path of the sun; and there were other like omens. when the troubled priests went to seek an explanation from the oracular black stone at cahbaha, their awe was increased by finding it broken in twain. in 1520 cholera swept the cakchiquel country, followed in 1521 by the small-pox, which, after desolating mexico, fell upon these southern provinces and carried off half the population, including the two kings and the flower of the nobility, leaving gaunt famine in its trail by way of remembrance. amid such presages it was that the news came of the achievements of the 622 white men in montezuma's realms, of their wonderful war enginery and invincible prowess. less awed by these reports, the quichés, who had probably suffered less from epidemics, prepared to resist the prospective invasion with the same determination that they had formerly shown against the aztecs; but the cakchiquels were more broken in power and spirit, and more inclined to welcome the new-comers, particularly since the quichés were again becoming dangerous.[xxii-5]
king belehe qat.
thus stood affairs when the two messengers of alvarado appeared at patinamit. on their arrival at the capital they were peaceably received. when admitted into the presence of king belehe qat[xxii-6] they were asked if they had been sent by malinche,[xxii-7] and whether they had come on great sea monsters similar to those that had been seen off the coast the year before,[xxii-8] and whether they were accustomed to tell the truth; whereupon they made answer that they had come from the emperor of the world, and from his invincible captain, who, though no god,[xxii-9] had found his way hither to show them the path to paradise. their journey had been by land, they said, and they would by no means lie, their truthfulness being as unvarying as the polar star. then one of them[xxii-10] drew an enormous carac with six masts, and, peter martyr adds, as many decks, which was indeed a fair specimen of spanish veracity. the indian nobles gazed in wonder 623 at the enormous vessel, with its sails, and spars, and countless ropes, and thought it must indeed be a true representation, since there were so many adjuncts.
at length the king spoke. "how is it that the spaniards are so invincible, being no larger than other men?" "in the god of heaven our strength lies!" came the answer; "he whose holy law we proclaim, he gives us victories, lending us courage sharp like iron, and intelligence powerful like caged thunder, and beasts withal, which are in themselves a host." and the diplomatic apelles drew a colossal horse, of fierce aspect, mounted by a man. the spectators were awe-stricken. right willingly now would the king enter into an alliance with these wonderful beings. he would supply them with fifty thousand warriors if they would overthrow the neighboring foes who were devastating his land. alas! for ready friendship, the humble offer of vassalage, and open hand; peaceful policy or bold defiance alike led to the oppressor's yoke. the embassadors were dismissed, promising to report the ruler's wishes to their commander, and gayly they went their way, accompanied by five thousand slaves, laden with the products and manufactures of the land, with cacao, maize, and poultry, besides raiment, and vases, and jewelry to the value of twenty thousand pesos de oro.[xxii-11]
on receiving this earnest of advantage alvarado hastened back to impart the news to his chief and to assist him in plans for conquest. it was determined to advance at once by sea and land. a force of forty spaniards, mostly carpenters and seamen, was despatched to zacatula, on the pacific coast, to engage in ship-building, as an aid to proposed conquest and colonization. we find, moreover, that during this 624 same year, 1522, two spanish envoys, with certain natives of mexico and of the province of soconusco, were sent to utatlan and guatemala,[xxii-12] and on their return they met cortés at tuxpan,[xxii-13] on his way back from pánuco, where he had been engaged in pacification. about one hundred[xxii-14] embassadors accompanied these messengers, sent by the rulers of those cities to tender friendship and service to the king of spain. nothing could be more courteous and dignified than the bearing of cortés while accepting this allegiance, as he terms it, and the costly offerings of gold ware, rare plumes, and feathered tapestry brought by the indian envoys; and again were produced and presented with imposing mien the gewgaws of spain. especial favor and kind treatment, the embassadors were assured, should be extended to these princes and their subjects, inasmuch as this tender of friendship was voluntary and in good faith. an appropriate display of warlike power was made before the visitors, who were then dismissed.[xxii-15]
about the beginning of 1523, however, rumors reached cortés that these allies were scarcely to be relied on, and that the settlers in soconusco were 625 molested by inroads from the southern provinces.[xxii-16] although the truth of the reports was doubtful, cortés deemed it not adverse to his interests to regard them as true, for there were advantages in the conquest of rich provinces which peaceful possession could not give.[xxii-17].
the subjugation of the districts being thus resolved on, naturally the leadership fell to alvarado, who had already taken some steps in that direction, as we have seen. he had probably stronger claims upon cortés than any captain in the mexican conquest, having shared with him, as second in command, many desperate battles and many brilliant triumphs. perhaps more so than with any of the others, his character was apparent on the surface: reckless, impetuous, merciless, lacking in veracity if not in common honesty, he was still zealous and courageous; and with his native dexterity, and past experiences under grijalva and cortés, he may now be called an able commander. if less staid and regular than olid, his loyalty was regarded as above suspicion. at all events, the general could not himself undertake the work, and the best proxy was this captain.[xxii-18]
personnel of the expedition.
preparations were begun early in 1523. a force was quickly organized, but operations were diverted by the inopportune arrival at pánuco of the adelantado francisco de garay, who endeavored to supplant cortés in that quarter. alvarado was therefore despatched against the interloper, and it was not until the 6th of december that the expedition set out for guatemala. it was a gallant array, as finally formed, the very flower of new spain chivalry, one hundred 626 and twenty horsemen, three hundred infantry, of whom one hundred and thirty were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and over twenty thousand picked native warriors.[xxii-19] spiritual guides were present in the persons of two friars and two army chaplains.[xxii-20] and it 627 was a proud moment for alvarado as he marched out of the mexican capital the chief commander of that brilliant company, the panoplies of the cavalry glittering high above the flashing helmets of the infantry, while the long sombre line of swarthy allies was broken here and there by the colored insignia and gaudy plumes of some great chieftain. for a little way cortés himself rode beside his subordinate and friend, reiterating his instructions, charging him specially to render punctually his report, and such a one as would be acceptable to his majesty. nor was the parting devoid of pleasure, for one would be rid of sometimes unpleasant interference in affairs at the capital, while the other would be independent of any superior.[xxii-21]
at tehuantepec.
it was about the middle of the dry season; and the time of year, the weather, and the condition of the roads all were favorable, so that the southward march promised to be an easy one. after turning aside to quell an insurrection in the mountains of tehuantepec[xxii-22] alvarado continued his course, and on the 12th of january, 1524, wrote to cortés from tehuantepec city, where he had been received in all friendship and with reiterated expressions of allegiance. he then entered the province of soconusco, upon whose people the spanish yoke seemed to rest a little heavy.
the shadows which flit behind substantial record in soconusco's history represent the people as independent 628 for ages and in the usual state of chronic warfare with their neighbors,[xxii-23] by reason whereof they became so weakened as to fall under the sway of the olmecs, who oppressed them almost beyond endurance. numbers indeed abandoned their homes, leaving many tracts nearly depopulated. under aztec domination, however, they regained somewhat their strength, and when the europeans came the district was quite populous and advanced in civilization. and now, when the purposes of the spaniards were made known to them, they turned and joined the nations of guatemala confederated for resistance.
at no great distance from the tehuantepec border alvarado first encountered serious opposition, and before the guatemalan border was reached many patriots had been punished and many freemen made slaves. the subjugation of the soconuscans was decided by a pitched battle at tonalá a town of fifty thousand inhabitants,[xxii-24] where a large army under a quiché prince was defeated.[xxii-25] at the border of guatemala proper the army entered, early in february, the dense forests of zapotitlan,[xxii-26] now costa cuca and costa grande. for three days they marched in the shadow of lofty evergreens, through uninhabited wilds, skirting 629 pestiferous swamps or plunging into snake-infested canebrakes; now hacking their way through thickets, now fording high-banked streams or scaling rugged hill-sides, while painted macaws screamed at them, and poisonous insects left their sting. amidst the customary prayings and cursings they struggled forward, and finally emerged from the forest and entered cultivated lands.
territory of quiché
approach to zapotitlan.
messengers had been sent forward summoning the provinces in due form to allegiance. and now were captured three natives, believed to be spies from the city of zapotitlan,[xxii-27] who were despatched with a second requirement, to which there was no response. the spaniards then advanced along a broad open 630 highway, and soon after entered a narrower road, which they found barricaded; whereupon they pitched camp in an open plain near by. on a height beyond a deep ravine, through which flowed a river,[xxii-28] stood the city, bathed in the bright rays of the setting sun, like a beautiful maiden arrayed for the sacrifice. between the plain and the city the ground was thickly covered with plantations of cacao, which would materially impede the action of cavalry.
result of battle.
the spaniards had not long to wait attack. in the dusk of evening a small band sprang from cover and slew a number of the allies. the cavalry were thereupon ordered to sweep the plain. they came upon a large force, and a skirmish ensued in which some of the horses were injured. alvarado's blood was now up, and he ordered an immediate march on the city. no serious opposition was encountered until the army came to the ravine, spanned by a narrow, rudely built wooden bridge, the crossing of which was fiercely contested by a large body of warriors. the artillery was accordingly brought into action and did efficient service. the doomed natives fought well, rallying again and again under the frightful havoc of the guns, until a great breastwork was formed of their slain. at length the cavalry, under cover of a heavy fire, succeeded in forcing a way across the stream and began to climb the height to a bench overlooking the ravine. the infantry followed. the passage was made in the midst of the fiercest attacks; but alvarado protected his rear with consummate skill, and soon he had the satisfaction of drawing up his troops on the open ground above, safe from molestation. in the streets of the city, which the army now entered, the natives made another desperate effort to save themselves; but without avail. those terrible guns! those terrible horses! that life-compelling steel, falling 631 with a force and precision worthy the death-dealing enginery of the gods! for half a league beyond the town the allies were permitted to pursue and slay, after which the victors took up their quarters in the abandoned market-place, where for two days they rested and reconnoitred.