córdoba meditates revolt—soto and compa?on object—their flight—pedrarias nurses his wrath—secret motives for his departure for nicaragua—córdoba loses his head—the governor covets honduras, and comes to blows—the indians follow the example—bloody scenes—pedrarias interrupted in his reverie—pedro de los rios succeeds as governor at panamá—his instructions and policy—residencia of pedrarias—triumphant result.

córdoba meditates.

with the departure of cortés in drooping plumes, his pretentious projects for dominion in the south received a check, and the portentous clouds which had before loomed over honduras again darkened the sky, extending over the adjoining lake province, there to threaten córdoba's bright visions of independence. one can hardly blame the lieutenant for indulging his imagination with the alluring prospects of power, wealth, and fame, when kept in subjection on the one side by so unlovable a master as pedrarias, and when prompted on the other by the powerful audiencia of santo domingo to cast off the unrighteous allegiance. with his mind thus predisposed, córdoba saw clearly that nicaragua could not permanently pertain to the jurisdiction of panamá. it was a distinct province, conquered and abandoned by gil gonzalez, and now brought into resubjection by his own efforts and talents. if any one disputed his position he could point to the authorization of the audiencia. true, the fleet and men, the means and influence, used in effecting the reconquest pertained to his late chief. what of 585 that? the ships did not belong to pedrarias; the old governor had taken them in direct disobedience to the orders of the king. as for the money and the men, all had been obtained by vile indirection, and might as well be made to serve one traitor as another. but he was no traitor to the king who responded to the will of the king's audiencia.

there was much in common between the revolts of olid and córdoba, but the motives of the leaders differed. the former, bold, brave, and in the main true, had felt aggrieved that so broad a portion of the earth should fall to the lot of one man, whose pretensions thereto grew out of his accidental position as commander, while he, a captain who had shared every danger and hardship in the grand conquest, must be content forever to serve. the sole command of a small portion of disputed territory he had deemed a recompense small enough beside the imperial reward of his commander. hernandez de córdoba viewed matters from a somewhat different stand-point, though with an abundance of plausible excuses. he was an instrument chosen by pedrarias to wrest a fair domain from the rightful conqueror. in this selection pedrarias had been governed by his usual narrow policy. throughout his whole career he could not abandon the vain attempt to accomplish great results by small means, and noble results by base means.

with such incentives and precepts córdoba found little difficulty in disposing of the moral obstacles to his scheme, and on turning toward the material he saw nothing insurmountable, since most of the men were favorably disposed. in this there was nothing strange, for córdoba was generous and confiding, and by the side of pedrarias such qualities shone with double lustre. as a first step he called on the settlers, particularly of leon and granada, to petition the king for his appointment as independent governor.[xx-1] 586 none objected save a dozen men headed by the captains soto and compa?on. loyalty had probably nothing to do with their opposition, but rather jealousy. they would not risk their liberty and prospects to raise so much above themselves a fellow officer who could never be in their eyes more able and deserving than themselves.

the remonstrances of these few persons were not to be regarded, however, and retreat for córdoba was in any case too late. soto, the first to object, was cast into the fortress of granada, but compa?on, with a few faithful comrades, broke open the prison and liberated him. the little band, well armed and mounted, then took the field against córdoba and openly bade him defiance. córdoba recognized that prompt action was indispensable, and set forth in pursuit. though soto and compa?on failed to gain more adherents, as they had expected, they nevertheless took a stand near granada against the usurper's formidable force, warning him that all their efforts, in case of attack, would be concentrated on killing him.[xx-2] the lieutenant hesitated. he well knew the determined character of his late officers, and pictured himself the target of their unerring missiles. the golden visions of his hopes became dimmer. he would like to be a governor, but he did not wish to be killed; and not possessing the spirit of greatness, he readily found an excuse for returning whence he came, while soto with his gallant ten thought it profitable to acquaint pedrarias and receive from him the reward of loyal servants. the journey back to panamá was not easy, with its rugged mountains, impetuous streams, and pathless forests, while hostile natives, venomous animals, and gnawing hunger added to the hardships serious danger; nevertheless they would undertake it, and make a portion of their way by sea. soon after starting they found their horses 587 an encumbrance rather than an aid, and therefore they abandoned them. barefooted and dilapidated they reached the town of fonseca,[xx-3] in chiriquí, where hurtado, the founder, relieved them, and provided a canoe in which to pursue the journey.

soto and hurtado.

after the departure of soto southward, the good hurtado pondered over the situation. the rebel córdoba, in common with soto and the others, he held in low esteem. if with his small force he could not conquer him, he believed he could frighten the man greatly; at all events, here was an opportunity to gain favor with pedrarias. he accordingly armed all the able-bodied men at his command and marched against the rebels, leaving the sick and helpless to ward off famine and the natives as best they might. after waiting some time in vain for the return of hurtado, the abandoned remnant deserted the post and set out in search of him, directing their steps toward the gulf of nicoya.

in the mean time soto and his party reached natá and sent their report to panamá. rage in the breasts of some men consumes both body and soul; but such was the nature of pedrarias that the essence of his life appeared to be drawn from inexhaustible wells of vindictive spleen. although approaching the time when most men die, the castigation of a traitorous lieutenant was too choice a morsel to intrust to another; and so, belting in his wrath, he prepared at once to march against him. to this he was impelled also by a desire to forestall any attempt on the part of the conqueror of mexico, whose projects were even then casting a portentous shadow over the smiling shores of the freshwater sea. a still deeper impulse, however, was the looming spectre of a new governor, with orders for a residencia, which once instituted might prevent his departure. 588

to defray the expenses of the expedition pedrarias was obliged not only to employ his own fortune but to borrow large sums from the house-holders and merchants. this he did, agreeing to share with them the profits of the adventure. he was shrewd enough to conceal how much a prospective successor and residencia had to do with his departure; and believing that the object was solely to secure for the benefit of panamá, from a strange invader and rebel, the gold-seamed nicaragua with its budding colonies and trade, the people were quite eager to aid him in so promising and loyal a scheme. panamá and natá had already been drained of able-bodied men by the expeditions under pizarro and almagro which were to yield such brilliant results, and pedrarias was obliged to draw upon acla and nombre de dios for soldiers. this additional levy so nearly depopulated the province that its four cities together could hardly muster occupants enough for 'a mediocre hamlet,' as oviedo expresses it. a large number of indians were also taken. the departure of the fleet took place in january, 1526.

córdoba had not been comfortable since soto's escape. the more he pondered the shorter to his mind grew the distance between himself and the grim pedrarias. in his fear he bethought himself of cortés, and sent to offer him the province on condition that he should retain the command as his lieutenant; for it was far better to be subject to the magnanimous conqueror of anáhuac, whose name would prove a safeguard against his old master, while his distant residence in mexico might leave a lieutenant almost wholly independent. this scheme received an encouraging acceptance, as we have seen, only to be abandoned before the urgent appeals from mexico.

execution of córdoba.

the more than peculiar conduct of córdoba on meeting soto has prepared us for almost any pusillanimity 589 on his part. either a blind reliance in cortés made him careless, or the arrival at leon of the hoary-headed pedrarias was unexpectedly sudden; it seems at any rate that he did not even attempt to defend himself. probably the settlers had become disgusted with his want of courage and failed to support him. all we learn is that he and his friends humbly met the governor and sought to deny their guilt, pleading, as in the case of vasco nu?ez, that had mutinous intentions been entertained they would not thus have dared to come forward unarmed, but would have fled or defended themselves. the case was too clear, however, and pedrarias never forgave: the head of córdoba was required as a lesson to similar aspirants.[xx-4]

having thus removed his rebellious subordinate, pedrarias looked about to secure the permanent government of the province and extend his jurisdiction as best he might. if nicaragua belonged to castilla del oro, as he of course maintained, so must the eastern and north-eastern extension of this region, as far at least as the gulf of honduras, clearly the natural boundary. the efforts of gil gonzalez to secure honduras showed that he had also regarded this province as pertaining to nicaragua. but above all, was not the dreaded cortés away, and was not his lieutenant, saavedra, in command of a mere handful of men? what more convincing evidence of his right could there be? but even under these circumstances caution was necessary, and he resolved to secure at first only the adjoining border territory. with this object captains hurtado and rojas were sent to occupy olancho valley. the natives had too vivid a recollection of the former invasion under rojas to feel 590 safe, and hastened to trujillo with their complaints. saavedra, who saw the danger of countenancing encroachments from such a quarter, sent two envoys[xx-5] to demand the immediate withdrawal of the nicaraguan troops. pedrarias was not unprepared for this, and smooth and evasive was his answer. for the sake of peace he would come to an understanding with cortés regarding his pretensions in that quarter, and submit the whole matter to the decision of the audiencia. meanwhile there must be no fighting or attempted overreaching among countrymen.

the tone and manner of the old courtier would have convinced more experienced men than the honduras envoys, and with satisfied hearts they turned to bear the peaceful message to their chief. pedrarias gained his point. he never entertained the idea of writing to cortés or submitting any question to the audiencia.

fresh instructions were at once despatched to hurtado and rojas, and while the envoys were lulling saavedra into fancied security they fell upon his adherents in olancho, routed them, and secured their effects. the victors then proceeded northward with a view to occupy natividad and secure for their chief a much needed port on the north sea, through which to receive supplies and maintain communication with spain and the islands, for the panamá route was too long and costly. informed of their movements saavedra sent a force to intercept them. the captains were not just then prepared to resist so strong a body, and like their master they resorted to fair words, both sides promising to return peaceably home. but neither believed in these assurances, and each resolved to watch the other. rojas, for that matter, proceeded on the march to natividad, while hurtado returned to olancho to protect his interests there. the trujillo party pursued the latter, and a fight ensued wherein they proved victorious, after losing two men. these broils 591 the natives observed, and saw therein their opportunity. they attacked natividad, and the spaniards, driven forth after a fight in which several fell, took refuge in a natural stronghold, there to remain until aid could arrive.[xx-6]

hurtado and grijalva slain.

rojas appears to have learned of this uprising in time to retreat to olancho; but here also the caciques had mustered in force[xx-7] to avenge the injuries which pedrarias' soldiers were inflicting. ordered by them to bring in maize and material for houses, they seized the opportunity to introduce within the bundles a quantity of arms. these were to serve the natives who remained in or near the camp waiting the approach of their regularly armed compatriots. all prepared, the word was given, and stealthily the dusky foe crept upon the unsuspecting spaniards. living in the midst of treachery, it seems impossible that they should have allowed themselves to be thus lulled. suddenly forest, hill, and dale were alive with indians, and the silence was broken by a piercing yell as the first victim met his fate. the signal was taken up, and from thousands came the avenging shriek, reverberating along the wooded slopes and rolling back upon the doomed band. resistance seemed to avail them little. sixteen were slain; a few escaped to a friendly cacique, named guatucanola; and twenty horses were lost. the settlement was sacked and burned. among the fallen were captain hurtado, who had rendered so many eminent services as explorer, leader, and founder, and juan de grijalva, a man who, as captain of a cuban expedition, had achieved the honor of discovering the mexican mainland, and who might even have gained the glory of that brilliant conquest but for his fine sense of honor and other manly qualities. often a too strict integrity impedes the path to greatness. at all events, these 592 qualities lost him the favor of his master and governor, velazquez, and despite his faithful services, his courage and talent, he was sent forth in disgrace, to die ignobly in this wilderness.[xx-8]

rojas arrived soon after and sought to restore peace, but the natives were too strong for him, and for years they held their ground. saavedra charged pedrarias with being the cause of the disaster, and not without reason, for the treacherous conduct of his captains had encouraged the uprising. quarrels and recriminations followed, but without any attempt on the part of saavedra to take active steps against the nicaraguan invaders. finding his adversary so tame, the old governor felt emboldened to take the step he had so long been meditating, to secure possession of the remainder of honduras. to this effect he despatched captain diego de albites and sebastian de benalcázar, regidores of leon, with notary espinosa, to demand the submission of saavedra and the cabildo of trujillo to his jurisdiction. the envoys were hardly on their way, however, before tidings came from panamá which sent pedrarias in all haste back to the isthmus, leaving the government in the joint charge of several of his most trusted officers, among whom martin estete figured as lieutenant-general.[xx-9]

pedro de los rios.

the new governor of castilla del oro, pedro de los rios, had arrived with his fleet at nombre de dios july 30, 1526,[xx-10] attended, as was common in such cases, by many followers, among whom were licenciado juan de salmeron, alcalde mayor; bachiller diego de corral; diego gutierrez de los rios, a nephew, and 593 egas, the half-brother of the governor. oviedo was also of the party, bearing as his reward for procuring the change of rule the appointment of captain-general and governor of the province of cartagena. the day following the arrival the new officials were sworn in, and within four weeks they had taken up their residence at panamá. the jurisdiction of rios covered the same territory as had that of pedrarias, excepting paria and veragua. as usual, he had been particularly enjoined to look to the good treatment of the indians and promote the formation of towns on healthy sites. in all matters of importance he was to consult with the alcalde mayor, as a man learned in the law, and a faithful servant of the king. the governor was empowered to settle all disputes and punish all crimes according to his judgment and the laws of the country, and with regard to thieves and robbers he was recommended to go even somewhat beyond the law. this was a power admirably suited for a reformer as rios came heralded, but the rising rejoicings of the people at the removal of the old governor began quickly to calm on finding, as oviedo says, that in the place of one hydra head cut off two others had appeared.[xx-11]

pedro de los rios was quite a different man from pedrarias; indeed we shall scarcely again in this history meet the equal of the old governor of darien. though possessing more bulk of body the new governor lacked the strength of mind of the old one; he lacked the cunning, indomitable energy, and the vindictive pertinacity of pedrarias. he loved gold, however, in which predilection he was joined by his wife, who even surpassed him in this respect. in accordance with royal orders, among his first acts were to seize the effects and estates of pedrarias, including his encomiendas, to secure control of the pearl islands and their revenues, and to hold all 594 until the residencia of the outgoing governor was taken. pedrarias knew that his authority at panamá was lost, but he did not like to lose his property. it was a pecuniary disaster alone that could have taken him from nicaragua at this critical moment.

the news of his coming was brought by a vessel laden with kidnapped nicaraguans, to be sold by auction in the panamá market. he himself reached natá in december, and after writing to rios made his appearance at the capital february 3, 1527. three days later the residencia was proclaimed by salmeron.

not knowing who the judges might be, pedrarias had taken the precaution to petition the india council for power of appeal in any decision which might be rendered against him. and this had been granted, with the order to pay at once any judgment under ten thousand maravedís, and to make a deposit which should cover all amounts of larger claims. further than this, he had taken with him to nicaragua, and had left there, those who might most trouble him in his residencia. the greater part of the aggrieved were thus out of the way, and their opportunity lost.

he had also despatched enciso to spain, to represent his interests at court and neutralize the machinations of his enemies. the result was the arrival of a cédula from the king just in time to provide that no questions were to be raised in the present residencia touching matters disposed of by the pretended investigations under alarconcillo. this reduced still further the complaints against pedrarias, and as he at once made overtures to his judge, sparing neither money nor humility, and as he still had influence, his feebly presented crimes were lightly regarded. oviedo deemed himself exceedingly ill used in these proceedings, and loudly chronicles his complaints. after presenting a long list of claims, which were denied, the historian was glad to escape assassination at the hand of his 595 ancient enemy.[xx-12] charges of course were sent to spain,[xx-13] citing instances of abuse of power, and of private frauds. among the more serious accusations was the embezzling of royal moneys, which had helped to swell a remittance of seventy thousand pesos de oro, sent secretly to a safe receptacle in spain. so pressing and puzzling were these charges that the india council held repeated consultations on the case.

before the india council.

but pedrarias had not been idle. he had requested his powerful relatives to hold forth to the king himself, to the best advantage, the many valuable services he had rendered in africa as well as in the indies. the words of the agent enciso were likewise powerful, and made these records stand out resplendent, backed as they were with the dazzling treasures of the pearl islands.[xx-14] not only was pedrarias acquitted and reinstated in his rights and possessions, but new favors were showered on him. yet the government of panamá could not be restored to him; indeed the crown itself had not been so blinded as some of its satellites to the many evils that had characterized the government of pedrarias in castilla del oro. at all events it was considered timely to allow the oppressed province to recover from the selfish tyranny of his rule under a more fatherly supervision. his shrewd foresight and usual good fortune were paving a new way, however. it so happened that gil gonzalez, the rightful claimant to nicaragua, died about the time that pedrarias sent in to the king a glowing report on the resources of this province, together with promises of great revenues. not only was he now entitled to the first consideration for the post of governor, but it was 596 probably considered advantageous to the royal purse that a man of such natural proclivities for extortion should be given a field where watchful energy alone was needed to develop untold wealth. again was the star of pedrarias emerging from behind the hyperborei montes, but with lustre dimmed by clouds rising, this time in the direction of honduras.