introduction.—two classes of emigrants—two governments for seventy years—the "pilgrim fathers"—their pilgrimages and settlement.

in proceeding to trace the development and characteristics of puritanism in an english colony, i beg to remark that i write, not as an englishman, but as a canadian colonist by birth and life-long residence, and as an early and constant advocate of those equal rights, civil and religious, and that system of government in the enjoyment of which canada is conspicuous.

in tracing the origin and development of those views and feelings which culminated in the american revolution, in the separation of thirteen colonies from great britain, it is necessary to notice the early settlement and progress of those new england colonies in which the seeds of that revolution were first sown and grew to maturity.

the colonies of new england resulted from two distinct emigrations of english puritans; two classes of puritans; two distinct governments for more than sixty years. the one class of these emigrants were called "pilgrim fathers," having first fled from england to holland, and thence emigrated to new england in 1620, in the mayflower, and called their place of settlement "new plymouth," where they elected seven governors [pg 2]in succession, and existed under a self-constituted government for seventy years. the other class were called "puritan fathers;" the first instalment of their emigration took place in 1629, under endicot; they were known as the massachusetts bay company, and their final capital was boston, which afterwards became the capital of the province and of the state.

the characteristics of the separate and independent government of these two classes of puritans were widely different. the one was tolerant and non-persecuting, and loyal to the king during the whole period of its seventy years' existence; the other was an intolerant persecutor of all religionists who did not adopt its worship, and disloyal from the beginning to the government from which it held its charter.

it is essential to my purpose to compare and contrast the proceedings of these two governments in relation to religious liberty and loyalty. i will first give a short account of the origin and government of the "pilgrim fathers" of new plymouth, and then the government of the "puritan fathers" of massachusetts bay.[1]

in the later years of queen elizabeth, a "fiery young clergyman," named robert brown, declared against the lawfulness of both episcopal and presbyterian church government, or of fellowship with either episcopalians or presbyterians, and in favour of the absolute independence of each congregation, and the ordination as well as selection of the minister by it. this was the origin of the independents in england. the zeal of brown, like that of most violent zealots, soon cooled, and he returned and obtained a living again in the church of england, which he possessed until his death; but his principles of separation and independence survived. the first congregation was formed about the year 1602, near the confines of york, nottingham, and leicester, and chose for its pastor john robinson. they gathered for worship secretly, and were compelled to change their places of meeting in order to elude the pursuit of spies and soldiers. after enduring many cruel sufferings,[pg 3] robinson, with the greater part of his congregation, determined to escape persecution by becoming pilgrims in a foreign land. the doctrines of arminius, and the advocacy and sufferings of his followers in the cause of religious liberty, together with the spirit of commerce, had rendered the government of holland the most tolerant in europe; and thither robinson and his friends fled from their persecuting pursuers in 1608, and finally settled at leyden. being independents, they did not form a connection with any of the protestant churches of the country. burke remarks that "in holland, though a country of the greatest religious freedom in the world, they did not find themselves better satisfied than they had been in england. there they were tolerated, indeed, but watched; their zeal began to have dangerous languors for want of opposition; and being without power or consequence, they grew tired of the indolent security of their sanctuary; they chose to remove to a place where they should see no superior, and therefore they sent an agent to england, who agreed with the council of plymouth for a tract of land in america, within their jurisdiction, to settle in, and obtained from the king (james) permission to do so."[2]

during their twelve years' pilgrimage in holland they were good citizens; not an accusation was brought against any one of them in the courts; they were honourable and industrious, and took to new trades for subsistence. brewster, a man of property, and a gentleman in england, learned to be a printer at the age of forty-five. bradford, who had been a farmer in england, became a silk-dyer. robinson became noted as a preacher and controversialist against arminianism.

bradford, the historian of their colony and its governor for eleven years, gives the chief reasons for their dispute in holland and of their desire to remove to america.[3]

as to what particular place these pilgrims should select for settlement in america, some were for guiana, some for virginia; but they at length obtained a patent from the second or northern virginia company for a settlement on the northern[pg 4] part of their territory, which extended to the fortieth degree of north latitude—hutchinson bay. "the dutch laboured to persuade them to go to the hudson river, and settle under the west india company; but they had not lost their affection for the english, and chose to be under their government and protection."[4] bancroft, after quoting the statement that "upon their talking of removing, sundry of the dutch would have them go under them, and made them large offers," remarks: "but the pilgrims were attached to their nationality as englishmen, and to the language of their times. a secret but deeply-seated love of their country led them to the generous purpose of recovering the protection of england by enlarging her dominions. they were restless with the desire to live once more under the government of their native land."[5] it appears from bradford's history, as well as from his letter book, and other narratives, that there were serious disputes and recriminations among the pilgrim exiles and their friends in england, before matters could be arranged for their departure. but only "the minor part [of robinson's congregation], with mr. brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this great work." they embarked at delft haven, a seaport town on the river maeser, eight miles from delft, fourteen miles from leyden, and thirty-six miles from amsterdam. the last port from which they sailed in england was southampton; and after a tempestuous passage of 65 days, in the mayflower, of 181 tons, with 101 passengers, they spied land, which proved to be cape cod—about 150 miles north of their intended place of destination. the pilot of the vessel had been there before and recognised the land as cape cod; "the which," says bradford, "being made and certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyful."[6] but though the pilgrims[pg 5] were "not a little joyful" at safely reaching the american coast, and at a place so well known as cape cod; yet as that was not their intended place of settlement, they, without landing, put again to sea for hudson river (new york), but were driven back by stress of weather, and, on account of the lateness of the season, determined not to venture out to sea again, but to seek a place of settlement within the harbour.

as the pilgrims landed north of the limits of the company from which they received their patent, and under which they expected to become a "body politic," it became to them "void and useless." this being known, some of the emigrants on board the mayflower began to make "mutinous speeches," saying that "when they came ashore they would use their own liberty, for none had power to command them." under these circumstances it was thought necessary to "begin with a combination, which might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more so." accordingly, an agreement was drawn up and signed in the cabin of the mayflower by forty-one male passengers, who with their families constituted the whole colony of one hundred and one.[7] having thus provided against disorder and[pg 6] faction, the pilgrims proceeded to land, when, as bradford says, they "fell upon their knees and blessed the god of heaven who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries thereof, again to set their[pg 7] feet on the firm and stable earth, their proper element."[8] of the manner of their settlement, their exposures, sufferings, labours, successes, i leave the many ordinary histories to narrate, though they nearly all revel in the marvellous.[9]

i will therefore proceed to give a brief account of the plymouth government in relation to religious liberty within its limits and loyalty to the mother country.

footnotes:

[1] from the nature of the facts and questions discussed, the following history is largely documentary rather than popular; and the work being an historical argument rather than a popular narrative, will account for repetitions in some chapters, that the vital facts of the whole argument may be kept as constantly as possible before the mind of the reader.

[2] burke's (the celebrated edmund) account of european settlements in america. second edition, london, 1758, vol. ii., p. 143.

[3] bradford's history of plymouth plantation, pp. 22-24. massachusetts historical collection, 4th series, vol. iii.

[4] history of massachusetts, vol. i., pp. 11, 12.

[5] history of the united states, vol. i., p. 304.

[6] many american writers and orators represent the pilgrims as first finding themselves on an unknown as well as inhospitable coast, amidst shoals and breakers, in danger of shipwreck and death. but this is all fancy; there is no foundation for it in the statement of governor bradford, who was one of the passengers, and who says that they were "not a little joyful" when they found certainly that the land was cape cod; and afterwards, speaking of their coasting in the neighbourhood, bradford says, "they hasted to a place that their pilot (one willm. coppin, who had been there before) did assure them was a good harbour, which he had been in." (history of plymouth plantation, p. 86.) they did not even go ashore on their first entrance into cape cod harbour; but, as bradford says, "after some deliberation among themselves and with the master of the ship, they tacked about and resolved to stand for the southward, to find some place about hudson river for their habitation." (ib., p. 117.) "after sailing southward half a day, they found themselves suddenly among shoals and breakers" (a ledge of rocks and shoals which are a terror to navigators to this day); and the wind shifting against them, they scud back to cape cod, and, as bradford says, "thought themselves happy to get out of those dangers before night overtook them, and the next day they got into the cape harbour, where they rode in safety. being thus arrived in a good harbour, and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the god of heaven," &c.

the selection, before leaving england, of the neighbourhood of the hudson river as their location, showed a worldly sagacity not to be exceeded by any emigrants even of the present century. bancroft designates it "the best position on the whole coast." (history of the united states, vol. i., p. 209.)

[7] the agreement was as follows:—"in the name of god, amen. we whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, king james, by the grace of god, of great britain, france and ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of god and advancement of the christian faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of [then called] virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of god and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furthermore of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such just laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most mete and convenient for the general good of the colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. in witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at cape cod, the 11th of november, in the 18th year of the reign of our sovereign lord king james, of england, france, and ireland the eighteenth, and of scotland the fifty-fourth. anno dom. 1620." mr. john carver was chosen governor for one year.

this simple and excellent instrument of union and government, suggested by apprehensions of disorder and anarchy, in the absence of a patent for common protection, has been magnified by some american writers into an almost supernatural display of wisdom and foresight, and even the resurrection of the rights of humanity. bancroft says, "this was the birth of popular constitutional liberty. the middle ages had been familiar with charters and constitutions; but they had been merely compacts for immunities, partial enfranchisements, patents of nobility, concessions of municipal privileges, or the limitations of sovereign in favour of feudal institutions. in the cabin of the mayflower humanity recorded its rights, and instituted a government on the basis of 'equal laws' for the 'general good.'" (history of the united states, vol. i, p. 310.)

now, any reader of the agreement will see that it says not a word about "popular constitutional liberty," much less of the "rights of humanity." it was no declaration of independence. its signers call themselves "loyal subjects of the king of england," and state one object of their emigration to be the "honour of our king and country." the pilgrim fathers did, in the course of time, establish a simple system of popular government; but from the written compact signed in the cabin of the mayflower any form of government might be developed. the good sense of the following remarks by dr. young, in his chronicles of the pilgrims of plymouth, contrast favourably with the fanciful hyperboles of bancroft: "it seems to me that a great deal more has been discovered in this document than the signers contemplated. it is evident that when they left holland they expected to become a body politic, using among themselves civil government, and to choose their own rulers from among themselves. their purpose in drawing up and signing this compact was simply, as they state, to restrain certain of their number who had manifested an unruly and factious disposition. this was the whole philosophy of the instrument, whatever may have since been discovered and deduced from it." (p. 120.)

[8] bradford's history of the plymouth plantation, p. 78. "the 31st of december (1620) being sabbath, they attended divine service for the first time on shore, and named the place plymouth, partly because this harbour was so called in capt. john smith's map, published three or four years before, and partly in remembrance of very kind treatment which they had received from the inhabitants of the last port of their native country from which they sailed." (moore's lives of the governors of plymouth, pp. 37, 38.)

the original indian name of the place was accomack; but at the time the pilgrims settled there, an indian informed them it was called patuxet. capt. john smith's description of new england was published in 1616. he says, "i took the description as well by map as writing, and called it new england." he dedicated his work to prince charles (afterwards king charles ii.), begging him to change the "barbarous names." in the list of names changed by prince charles, accomack (or patuxet) was altered to plymouth. mr. dermer, employed by sir f. gorges and others for purposes of discovery and trade, visited this place about four months before the arrival of the pilgrims, and significantly said, "i would that plymouth [in england] had the like commodities. i would that the first plantation might here be seated if there come to the number of fifty persons or upward."

[9] see following note:—

note on the inflated american accounts of the voyage and settlement of the pilgrim fathers.—everything relating to the character, voyage, and settlement of the pilgrims in new england has been invested with the marvellous, if not supernatural, by most american writers. one of them says, "god not only sifted the three kingdoms to get the seed of this enterprise, but sifted that seed over again. every person whom he would not have go at that time, to plant the first colony of new england, he sent back even from mid-ocean in the speedwell." (rev. dr. cheever's journal of the pilgrims.)

the simple fact was, that the mayflower could not carry any more passengers than she brought, and therefore most of the passengers of the speedwell, which was a vessel of 50 tons and proved to be unseaworthy, were compelled to remain until the following year, and came over in the fortune; and among these robert cushman, with his family, one of the most distinguished and honoured of the pilgrim fathers. and there was doubtless as good "seed" in "the three kingdoms" after this "sifting" of them for the new england enterprise as there was before.

in one of his speeches, the late eloquent governor everett, of massachusetts, describes their voyage as the "long, cold, dreary autumnal passage, in that one solitary, adventurous vessel, the mayflower of forlorn hope, freighted with prospects of a future state, and bound across the unknown sea, pursuing, with a thousand misgivings, the uncertain, the tedious voyage, suns rise and set, and winter surprises them on the deep, but brings them not the sight of the wished-for shore. the awful voice of the storm howls through the rigging. the labouring masts seem straining from their base; the dismal sound of the pumps is heard; the ship leaps, as it were, madly from billow to billow; the ocean breaks, and settles with engulfing floods over the floating deck, and beats with deadening, shivering weight against the staggering vessel."

it is difficult to imagine how "winter" could surprise passengers crossing the ocean between the 6th of september and the 9th of november—a season of the year much chosen even nowadays for crossing the atlantic. it is equally difficult to conceive how that could have been an "unknown sea" which had been crossed and the new england coasts explored by gosnold, smith, dermer and others (all of whom had published accounts of their voyage), besides more than a dozen fishing vessels which had crossed this very year to obtain fish and furs in the neighbourhood and north of cape cod. doubtless often the "suns rose and set" upon these vessels without their seeing the "wished-for shore;" and probably more than once, "the awful voice of the storm howled through their rigging," and "the dismal sound of their pumps was heard," and they "madly leaped from billow to billow," and "staggered under the deadening, shivering weight of the broken ocean," and with its "engulfing floods" over their "floating decks." the mayflower was a vessel of 180 tons burden—more than twice as large as any of the vessels in which the early english, french, and spanish discoverers of america made their voyages—much larger than most of the vessels employed in carrying emigrants to virginia during the previous ten years—more than three times as large as the ship fortune, of 53 tons, which crossed the ocean the following year, and arrived at plymouth also the 9th of november, bringing mr. cushman and the rest of the passengers left by the speedwell the year before. gosnold had crossed the ocean and explored the eastern coasts of america in 1602 in a "small bark;" martin pring had done the same in 1603 in the bark discovery, of 26 tons; frobisher, in northern and dangerous coasts, in a vessel of 25 tons burden; and two of the vessels of columbus were from 15 to 30 tons burden, and without decks on which to "float" the "engulfing floods" under which the mayflower "staggered" so marvellously. all these vessels long preceded the mayflower across the "unknown ocean;" but never inspired the lofty eloquence which mr. everett and a host of inferior rhapsodists have bestowed upon the mayflower and her voyage. bancroft fills several pages of his elaborate history to the same effect, and in similar style with the passages above quoted. i will give a single sentence, as follows:—"the pilgrims having selected for their settlement the country near the hudson, the best position on the whole coast, were conducted to the most barren and inhospitable part of massachusetts." (history of the united states, vol. 1., p. 309.)

there was certainly little self-abnegation, but much sound and worldly wisdom, in the pilgrims selecting "the best position on the whole coast" of america for their settlement; and there is as little truth in the statement, though a good antithesis—the delight of mr. bancroft—that the pilgrims were conducted to "the most barren and inhospitable part of massachusetts" for "actual settlement," as appears from the descriptions given of it by governors winslow and bradford and other pilgrim fathers, written after the first and during the subsequent years of their settlement. i will give but two illustrations. mr. winslow was one of the passengers in the mayflower, and was, by annual election, several years governor of the plymouth colony. it has been stated above that the ship fortune, of 53 tons burden, brought in the autumn of 1621 the pilgrim passengers who had been left in england the year before by the sea-unworthiness of the speedwell. the fortune anchored in plymouth bay the 9th of november—just a year from the day on which the mayflower spied the land of cape cod. mr. winslow prepared and sent back by the fortune an elaborate "relation" of the state and prospects of the colony, for the information of the merchant adventurers and others in england. he describes the climate, soil, and all the resources of the colony's means of support, together with the process and result of the first year's labour. i will simply give his account of the manner in which they celebrated what in england would be called a "harvest home." he says: "our harvest being got in, our governor sent four men on fowling, that so we might, after a more special manner, rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labours. they four in a day killed as much fowl as, with little help besides, served the company almost a week; at which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms. many of the indians came amongst us, and amongst the rest their greatest king, massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted; and they went out and killed fine deer, which they brought to the plantation, and bestowed them on our governor, and upon the captain and others; and although it be not always so plentiful with us, we are so far from want that we often wish you partakers of our plenty."

governor bradford, writing in 1646, twenty-five years after this feast, and referring to it, says: "nor has there been any general want of food amongst us since to this day." (morton's memorials, p. 100.)

such was the result of the first year's experience in this chosen place of settlement by the first new england colony, as stated by the most distinguished of its founders. during the winter of this year more than half the pioneer settlers had died of a prevalent sickness,—not owing to the climate, but their sea voyage, their want of experience, and to temporary circumstances, for not a death occurred amongst them during the three succeeding years. as great as was the mortality amongst the noble colonists of new england, it was far less, comparatively, than that which fell upon the first colonists of virginia, who were, also, more than once almost annihilated by the murderous incursions of the indians, but from whom the pilgrim fathers did not suffer the loss of a life.

in his "true and brief relation," mr. winslow says: "for the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with that in england; and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. some think it colder in winter, but i cannot out of experience say so. the air is very clear and foggy, not as hath been reported. i never in my life remember a more seasonable year than we have here enjoyed."

mr. winslow's doubt as to whether the cold of his first winter in new england exceeded that of the ordinary winters which he had passed in england, refutes the fictitious representations of many writers, who to magnify the virtues and merits of the plymouth colonists, describe them as braving, with a martyr's courage, the appalling cold of an almost arctic winter—a winter which enabled the new settlers to commence their gardens the 16th of march, and they add in their journal: "monday and tuesday, march 19th and 20th, proved fair days. we digged our grounds and sowed our garden seeds."

not one of the american united empire loyalists—the pilgrim fathers of canada, nova scotia, and new brunswick—could tell of a winter in the countries of their refuge, so mild, and a spring so early and genial, as that which favoured the pilgrim fathers of new england during their first year of settlement; nor had any settlement of the canadian pilgrim fathers been able to command the means of celebrating the first "harvest home" by a week's festivity and amusements, and entertaining, in addition, ninety indians for three days.