the last thirty years of the history of france constitute an unfruitful period in the development of socialism. they have been years of dearth, following in the wake of an equal number of plenteous years. there has arisen during all this time no developed communistic or socialistic system in france. the french socialism of to-day may be traced to three sources—viz., pure dissatisfaction with existing economic life, previous french speculations, like those of proudhon and fourier, and present german theories.

a diligent search continued for some time convinced me several years ago that there was little new or original in the ideas of the living leaders of socialistic movements in france. since then i have come across three confirmations of this view in as many writers. rudolf meyer, a german, in his “emancipations-kampf des vierten standes,” says: “since proudhon, france has produced no socialists of importance.”[140] frederic harrison, an englishman, in an article in the fortnightly review on “the french workmen’s congress of 1878,” uses these words to express his view of existing french socialism: “the first impression conveyed is this, that communism, or, indeed, any systematic[144] socialism, is entirely extinct in france.”[141] a french socialist writes rather regretfully, “the second remark is that we, the young generation of socialists, have discovered little in the domain of theory. we live almost exclusively upon the thoughts of our predecessors.”[142]

new life has, however, been manifested within the last year or two among french socialists, and if they are not discovering new theories, they are making large use of the studies of others. there is also a considerable class whose communism, or socialism, whichever you call it, does not get beyond the purely negative state of complaint. it is like a cry of distress, like “blind yearnings for light—like the voice of one crying, ‘watchman, what of the night? will the night soon pass?’”[143] those of this class condemn our present society with unmeasured severity, but they are unable to suggest plans for a better. they are groping about blindly for a guide who shall lead them in their endeavors to realize the ideal of the french device, “liberty, equality, fraternity.” if you purchase at hap-hazard a french socialistic paper, you will very likely find in it only murmurings, repinings, and bitter accusations against existing institutions, ravings and outcries as incoherent as carlyle’s collection of exclamations which he calls the “history of the french revolution.” perhaps louise michel and felix pyat ought to be classed among the adherents of this group.

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we may roughly divide the remaining communists and socialists of france into three classes—viz., the blanquists, the anarchists, and the collectivists.

the blanquists are followers of the late auguste blanqui (1805-1881), brother of adolphe blanqui, the political economist. their principle of action is to join hands under the leadership of some man, for the negative work of pulling down existing economic institutions. they come forward with no programme for reconstruction, because that would be likely to disunite them, and it is as yet too early for positive plans for the new society to be built on the ruins of the old. there is a certain monarchical element in their operations, inasmuch as they expect their adherents to follow the leader or leaders, without knowing precisely whither they are going, but with confidence in the guiding spirit. leadership and agitation without a programme are both unpopular with most modern socialists, and the blanquists do not count a large number of adherents. they are, however, active, courageous, and irreconcilable. they are “intransigentes,” who will make no compromise with our present institutions. their leader is eudes,[144] a member of the committee of public safety at the time of the rising of the commune. the title of a paper which they published for some time indicates the fierceness of their disposition. it was “ni dieu ni ma?tre”—“neither god nor master.” among its contributors cournet, breuillé, and granger are named. the paper has ceased to appear for lack of patronage, and they are now compelled to make propaganda orally by conversation[146] and by speeches. it cannot be said that they differ from the other groups of socialists in their attitude of defiance towards god and religion, and perhaps they do not in this respect differ so widely as is supposed from a large number of french and german political leaders and thinkers. it must be fairly stated that their opposition to religion has no logical connection with their socialistic views. on the contrary, it is as illogical for them to reject christianity as anything well could be. the french social reformers of about 1850 perceived this. at that time, if one had visited the assembly rooms of a communistic or socialistic society in paris, he would in all probability have found there a picture of christ, with these words written under it, “jesus of nazareth, the first representative of the people.”[145]

the anarchists are also a small but determined band. their leading representatives are prince krapotkine, a russian by birth, and elisée reclus, the celebrated geographer. émile gautier, bernard, and bordat, who, like krapotkine, were sentenced to five years’ imprisonment at the lyons trial, january 19, 1883, for connection with the international association of laborers, are also prominent anarchists. although their programme may be found almost word for word in proudhon, they profess to follow more closely bakounine, the russian nihilist, who separated himself from marx and the internationals, and formed secret societies in spain, switzerland, france, and elsewhere, and thus propagated nihilistic views; for anarchy and nihilism are pretty much one and the same thing when nihilism is understood in the older, stricter[147] sense, which does not include, as it does in a larger and more modern sense, those who are simply political and constitutional reformers.[146] like prince krapotkine, bakounine came of an old and prominent russian family; like him, he revolted against the cruelties and injustices he saw about him; like him, he despaired of peaceful reform, and concluded that no great improvement could be expected until all our present political, economic, and social institutions were so thoroughly demolished that of the old structure not one stone should be left on another. out of the ruins a regenerated world might arise. we must be purged as by fire. like all anarchists and true nihilists, he was a thorough pessimist, as far as our present manner of life was concerned. reaction against conservatism carried him very far. he wished to abolish private property, state, and inheritance. equality is to be carried so far that all must wear the same kind of clothing, no difference being made even for sex. religion is an aberration of the brain, and should be abolished.[147]

fire, dynamite, and assassination are approved of by at least a large number of the party. they are brave men, and fight for their faith with the devotion of martyrs. imprisonment and death are counted but as rewards.

their press is comparatively insignificant. their[148] principal newspaper appears to be the révolté, a small paper published at geneva since 1879. a paper was, a few years ago, published in their interests at verviers, belgium, with the characteristic title, the cry of the people (le cri du peuple). it lasted only a little over a year, its final number appearing on the 21st of june, 1879, and containing this sentence, among many similar: “yes, we applaud all the executions made by the russian nihilists, and wish that their propaganda might extend itself over the whole earth.”

forty-seven anarchists signed a declaration of principles, which was read by one of their number at their trial at lyons. it was substantially as follows:

“the anarchists are citizens who, in an age when one preaches everywhere the liberty of opinions, have believed it their duty to recommend unlimited liberty.

“our only merit consists in speaking out openly what the masses are thinking. we are several millions of laborers, who wish absolute liberty, and nothing but liberty.

“we wish liberty—that is to say, we demand for every human being the right and the means of doing that which pleases him, and of doing only that which pleases him; to satisfy integrally all his wants, without any other limits than natural impossibilities and the wants of neighbors equally respectable.

“we wish liberty, and we believe its existence incompatible with the existence of any power whatsoever, whatever its origin and form—whether it be elected or imposed, monarchical or republican—whether inspired by divine right or by popular right, by anointment or universal suffrage.

“the best governments are the worst.

“the evil, in other terms, in the eyes of the anarchists, does not reside in one form of government more than in another; it is in the idea of government itself, in the principle of authority.

“the substitution, in a word, in human relations, of free contract, perpetually revisable and dissoluble, is our ideal.

“the anarchists propose to teach the people how to get along without government, as they already begin to learn how to get along without god.

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“they will learn, likewise, how to get along without property-holders.

“no liberty without equality! no liberty in a society where the capital is centralized in the hands of a minority, which continually grows smaller.

“we believe that capital—the common patrimony of humanity, since it is the fruit of the co-operation of contemporaneous generations—ought to be placed at the service of all.

“we wish, in a word, equality—equality in fact, as corollary or rather as primordial condition of liberty. from each one according to his faculties, to each one according to his needs: that is what we wish sincerely, energetically.

“wicked and insane as people call us, we demand bread for all, science for all, work for all; for all, also, independence and justice.”[148]

the anarchists believe in a kind of collectivism. their ideal consists of independent communes united very loosely in a confederation. of course, the confederation has no powers save such as are voluntarily granted it by each individual and during the time which it may please him to grant them. it is no government. it is simply combined action. there are groups and confederations within the communes based on similar principles.

the collectivists are french socialists and social democrats, who have adopted the views of the germans, chiefly of marx and lassalle. their opinions we will then discuss under the head of german socialism. it is here only necessary to give evidence of the fact that they build on german foundations; to mention their organizations and a few of their leaders.

if french expositions of collectivism are examined, it will be found that constant references are made to[150] the german socialists and citations taken from their writings. thus malon, himself a collectivist, cites depaepe’s presentation of international collectivism—and pretty much all collectivism and social democracy are to-day international; and depaepe, in the passage quoted, states plainly that he has only given a more or less perfect résumé of marx and lassalle.[149] the french socialist who wrote the article for the london times on french socialists, to which reference has already been made, mentions familiarly the names of sch?ffle, marx, and lassalle. émile de laveleye, in his article in the fortnightly review on the “european terror,”[150] follows sch?ffle’s “quintessence of socialism” in explaining the system of the collectivists, and sch?ffle simply presents german social democracy at its best. the international spirit of social democracy was illustrated in the marriage of two of marx’s daughters to two french socialists, longuet and lafargue, the latter of whom translated his work, “das kapital,” into french.

the collectivists are divided into two branches—the evolutionist collectivists and the revolutionary collectivists.

the evolutionist collectivists do not reject reform as a possible substitute for revolution. while they do not claim to be able to say that a social revolution will never be necessary, they recognize the fact that a change of the economic forms of society is a matter of growth and evolution, and are willing to approach the socialistic state by degrees. a writer much in vogue with them is colins, a belgian, who advocated the nationalization of land. his two chief works, “qu’est-ce[151] que la science sociale?”—“what is social science?”—and “l’économie politique,” were published between 1848 and 1857. a number of millionnaires belong to this group of collectivists, and a society has been formed to publish and disseminate the works of colins. it is said that 40,000 francs have been subscribed for this purpose.

colins favored these four measures as a transition from private property in land to its nationalization:

“1. abolition of collateral inheritances.

“2. proclamation of the liberty of bequest.

“3. a tax of twenty-five per centum upon all inheritances.

“4. enlightenment of the masses, so that they shall soon demand the collectivity of the soil, or, as the english say, the nationalization of land.”[151]

collectivists of this group are called “possibilists” and “opportunists,” on account of their temporizing inclinations. although m. de laveleye states that they are gaining favor with the laborers as opposed to the irreconcilables, they have few leaders, or, at any rate, talkers of note. on occasion of the election at belleville, when a deputy was to be elected to replace gambetta, the evolutionist collectivists nominated a respectable mechanic by the name of j. b. dumay. he was not, however, elected.

the revolutionary collectivists, also called marxists, are divided into two factions, owing to personal rivalries. these are called the “fédération du centre,” among whom are jules guesde, paul lafargue, émile massard, and gabriel deville; and the “union[152] fédérative,” among whom are b. malon, author of the work which i have several times cited; paul brousse, and joffrin, a municipal councillor, who recently demanded of the council the execution of a large number of socialistic measures, like the erection of city workshops (ateliers municipaux) to furnish work to the unemployed, the establishment of bakeries and meat-markets in order to sell provisions at a moderate price, and the construction of houses to be let to laborers at cost price.

at the time when dumay was candidate at belleville for the place in the chamber of deputies which gambetta’s death left vacant, the revolutionary collectivists nominated jules guesde, who received only a small number of votes. he issued, however, an electoral programme, which is valuable as an authentic statement of principles approved by his party at several different congresses between 1879 and 1882. it is as follows:

“considering: that the emancipation of the productive class is that of all human beings, without distinction of sex or race; that the producers can never be free until they are in possession of the means of production (lands, factories, ships, banks, credit, etc.); that there are only two forms under which the means of production can belong to them:

“1. the individual form, which has never existed as a general and universal fact, and which is being eliminated more and more by industrial progress;

“2. the collective form, whose material and intellectual elements are furnished by the very development of capitalistic society:—

“considering: that this collective appropriation can result only from the revolutionary action of the productive class—or the proletariat—organized as a distinct political party; that such an organization ought to be pursued by all the means at the disposal of the proletariat, universal suffrage included, and thus transformed from an instrument of injury, as it has hitherto been, into an instrument[153] of emancipation—the french socialistic laborers, in proclaiming as their end the political and economic expropriation of the class of capitalists, and the return into the collective form of all the means of production, have decided, as the means of organizing the conflict, to enter into the elections with the following demands:

“a. political programme.

“1. the abolition of all laws concerning the press, assemblies, and associations, and especially the law against the ‘international association of workmen,’ suppression of the workman’s book,[152] this registration of the laboring class, and of all articles of the code establishing the inferiority of the laborer vis-à-vis his employer and of the inferiority of woman vis-à-vis man.

“2. suppression of religious appropriations, and the return to the nation of all property designated by the term mortmain (decree of the commune of april 2, 1871)....

“3. suppression of the public debt.

“4. abolition of standing armies, and the establishment of a militia system to include all the people.

“5. the establishment of the freedom of the commune as regards its administration and its police.

“b. economic programme.

“1. one day of rest in seven; eight hours to constitute a day’s labor for adults; prohibition of the labor of children under fourteen in private establishments, and the reduction of their labor to six hours a day between fourteen and eighteen.

“2. a protecting ‘surveillance’ of apprentices by corporations of laborers.

“3. a legal minimum of wages, determined each year according to the local price of provisions, by a statistical commission composed of laborers.

“4. legal prohibition of the right to employ foreign laborers with smaller wages than those given to frenchmen.

“5. equal wages for equal work for laborers of both sexes.

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“6. free instruction in science, trades, and professions.

“7. support of the aged and infirm by the public.

“8. suppression of all interference of employers in the management of funds destined for the benefit of laborers.

“9. responsibility of employers for accidents to their employees.

“10. participation of laborers in the establishment of rules and laws for different shops; suppression of the right of employers to impose fines and penalties upon laborers.

“11. annulment of all contracts which have alienated public property (banks, railroads, mines, etc.), and the management of all state-workshops by laborers employed therein.

“12. abolition of all indirect taxes, and the transformation of all direct taxes into a progressive tax on incomes exceeding 3000 francs; suppression of all collateral inheritances, and of inheritances in direct line exceeding 20,000 francs.”[153]

clovis hugues, mentioned as “unclassed,” is a collectivist deputy. it is stated, however, that he has announced his intention of leaving the party, on account of the tyranny with which they have attempted to control him in every step. joffrin refused to attend louis blanc’s funeral, as he held that he had proved false to the laborers in 1871. hugues, an old friend of blanc’s, attended, and was reproved for this, whereupon he indignantly declared the above-mentioned intention, maintaining that louis blanc was an honorable, high-minded man, and a true friend of the laborer.

de laveleye believes that a majority of french workmen are socialists, while malon confidently speaks of the socialists as forming the élite of the proletariat. the latter states their views and tendencies at the present time in the following language: “we have rejected all religious regenerations, whether they are[155] called new catholic, new christian, pantheistic, or theo-humanitarian; and we have accepted every scientific demonstration, however much opposed it might be to the previous order of our conceptions.

“we have recognized that the social and intellectual world, like the physical world, are governed by natural laws, and are subject to relations of succession and similitude independent of our personal intervention. we have admitted that our will itself is determined by natural laws which, it may not break.

“this has given us larger views, and especially has taught us to seek in a terrestrial future the ideal which is at the basis of every human nature.

“we have acquired a more profound knowledge of the laws which govern social phenomena. we know that as our human nature is essentially capable of modification and perfection, so social phenomena and industrial phenomena, being based thereon, are modifiable in large degree, and we labor to modify them as much as possible.”