kinnaird hall, dundee, may 14, 1908

a new government has come into being under a prime minister who, like his predecessor, is tied to scotland by strong and intimate bonds. give him a fair chance. give the government which he has brought into being the opportunity of handling the great machinery of state. be assured that, if you do, they will employ it for the greatest good of the greatest number. i am well satisfied at what has taken place since i have been in dundee. i see a great concentration of forces throughout the constituency. i see the opportunity of retrieving, and more than retrieving, the injury which has been done to the cause of progress and reform by elections in other parts of our island.

ah, but, a very sad thing has happened; an awful thing has happened—the liberal party has gone in for home rule. the [148]scotsman is shocked, the times is speechless, and takes three columns to express its speechlessness; the spectator, that staid old weekly, has wobbled back to where it never should have wobbled from; the ulster unionists declare that the government has forfeited all the confidence that they never had in it, and thousands of people who never under any circumstances voted liberal before are saying that under no circumstances will they ever vote liberal again. and i am supposed to be responsible for this revolution in our policy.

why, the statements i have made on the irish question are the logical and inevitable consequence of the resolution which was passed by the house of commons, in which every member of the government voted, which was carried by an enormous majority—more than 200—a month ago[9]—a resolution which, after explaining the plain and lamentable evils which can be traced to the existing system of government in ireland, affirmed that the remedy for those evils would be found in a representative body with an executive responsible to it, subject to the supreme authority of the imperial parliament.

[149]the irish question at the present time occupies a vastly different position to what it did in the year 1886. ever since 1880 the attention of parliament has been devoted constantly to ireland, and the attention of parliament, when devoted constantly to one object, is rarely fruitless. the twenty-five years that have passed have seen great changes in ireland. we have seen a great scheme of local government, which lord salisbury said would be more disastrous than home rule itself, actually put into force. we have seen the scheme of land purchase, which in the year 1886 did more to injure the home rule bill than anything else, actually carried, not indeed to a complete conclusion, but carried into practical effect by a unionist administration. these are great events; and their consequences, i think, ought to encourage us to move forward, and not to move back. they have produced results in ireland which are beneficent, and the irish question no longer presents itself in the tragic guise of the early eighties. they have produced an effect on great britain too. all over our country people have seen bills which they were told beforehand would be ruinous to the unity and integrity of the [150]united kingdom—land bills and local government bills—passed into law; and so far from the dire consequences which were apprehended from these measures, they have found—you here have found—that great good has resulted from that legislation. many people are encouraged by what has taken place to make a step forward in the future; and i think if we need to look for any further encouragement, we should find it in the great and undisputed triumph which, under the mercy of heaven, has attended our policy in south africa, and has resulted in bringing into the circle of the british empire a strong and martial race, which might easily have been estranged for ever.

the irish polity finds its fellow nowhere in the world. it is a government responsible neither to king nor people. it is not a democratic government, nor an autocratic government, nor even an oligarchical government. it is a government hag-ridden by forty-one administrative boards, whose functions overlap one another and sometimes conflict with one another. some are fed with money from the consolidated fund, some are supplied by vote of the house of commons, some are supplied from savings from the [151]irish development grant. some of these boards are under the viceroy, some under the chief secretary, some under treasury control, and some are under no control at all. the administration resulting from that system is costly, inefficient, unhandy beyond all description: a mighty staff of officials and police; a people desperately poor; taxation which rises automatically with every increase in the expenditure of this vast and wealthy island; and a population which dwindles tragically year by year. add to all this a loyalist caste, capable and well-organised, who are taught generation after generation to look for support not to their own countrymen, but to external force derived from across the sea. there exists in effect in ireland at the present time almost exactly the same situation which would have grown up in south africa, if we had not had the wit and the nerve to prevent it. take the whole of this situation as i have described it, thrust it into the arena of british politics to be the centre of contending factions, and the panorama of irish government is complete.

with these facts before us, upon the authority of men like lord dunraven, sir joseph west-ridgeway, sir antony [152]macdonnell, lord dudley, and others who have served the crown in ireland—is it wonderful that we should refuse to turn our eyes away from the vision of that other ireland, free to control her own destiny in all that properly concerns herself, free to devote the native genius of her people to the purposes of her own self-culture—the vision of that other ireland which mr. gladstone had reserved as the culminating achievement of his long and glorious career? is it wonderful that we should refuse to turn our eyes away from that? no; i say that the desire and the aim of making a national settlement with ireland on lines which would enable the people of that country to manage their own purely local affairs, is not an aim that can be separated from the general march of the liberal army. if i come forward on your platform here at dundee it is on the clear understanding that i do not preclude myself from trying to reconcile ireland to england on a basis of freedom and justice.

i said just now that this was an important election. yes, the effect upon his majesty's government and upon the liberal party for good or ill from this election cannot fail to be far-reaching. there are [153]strong forces against us. do not underrate the growing strength of the tory reaction now in progress in many of the constituencies in england. i say it earnestly to those who are members of the labour party here to-day—do not underrate the storm which is gathering over your heads as well as ours. i am not afraid of the forces which are against us. with your support we shall overwhelm them—with your support we shall bear them down. ah, but we must have that support.

it is not the enemy in front that i fear, but the division which too often makes itself manifest in progressive ranks—it is that division, that dispersion of forces, that internecine struggle in the moments of great emergency, in the moments when the issue hangs in the balance—it is that which, i fear, may weaken our efforts and may perhaps deprive us of success otherwise within our grasp.

there are cross-currents in this election. you cannot be unconscious of that. they flow this way and that way, and they disturb the clear issue which we should like to establish between the general body of those whose desire it is to move forward, and those who wish to revert to the old and barbarous [154]prejudices and contentions of the past—to the fiscal systems and to the methods of government and administration, and to the jingo foreign policies across the seas, from which we hoped we had shaken ourselves clear.

i want to-night to speak about these cross-currents; and let me first say a word about socialism. there are a great many socialists whose characters and whose views i have much respect for—men some of whom i know well, and whose friendship i enjoy. a good many of those gentlemen who have delightful, rosy views of a noble and brilliant future for the world, are so remote from hard facts of daily life and of ordinary politics that i am not very sure that they will bring any useful or effective influence to bear upon the immediate course of events. to the revolutionary socialist, whether dreamer or politician, i do not appeal as the liberal candidate for dundee. i recognise that they are perfectly right in voting against me and voting against the liberals, because liberalism is not socialism, and never will be. there is a great gulf fixed. it is not only a gulf of method, it is a gulf of principle. there are many steps we have to take which our socialist [155]opponents or friends, whichever they like to call themselves, will have to take with us; but there are immense differences of principle and of political philosophy between our views and their views.

liberalism has its own history and its own tradition. socialism has its own formulas and aims. socialism seeks to pull down wealth; liberalism seeks to raise up poverty. socialism would destroy private interests; liberalism would preserve private interests in the only way in which they can be safely and justly preserved, namely, by reconciling them with public right. socialism would kill enterprise; liberalism would rescue enterprise from the trammels of privilege and preference. socialism assails the pre-eminence of the individual; liberalism seeks, and shall seek more in the future, to build up a minimum standard for the mass. socialism exalts the rule; liberalism exalts the man. socialism attacks capital; liberalism attacks monopoly.

these are the great distinctions which i draw, and which, i think, you will agree i am right in drawing at this election between our respective policies and moods. don't think that liberalism is a faith that is played out; that it is a creed to which there is no [156]expanding future. as long as the world rolls round, liberalism will have its part to play—grand, beneficent, and ameliorating—in relation to men and states.

the truth lies in these matters, as it always lies in difficult matters, midway between extreme formulas. it is in the nice adjustment of the respective ideas of collectivism and individualism that the problem of the world and the solution of that problem lie in the years to come. but i have no hesitation in saying that i am on the side of those who think that a greater collective element should be introduced into the state and municipalities. i should like to see the state undertaking new functions, stepping forward into new spheres of activity, particularly in services which are in the nature of monopolies. there i see a wide field for state enterprise. but when we are told to exalt and admire a philosophy which destroys individualism and seeks to replace it absolutely by collectivism, i say that is a monstrous and imbecile conception, which can find no real acceptance in the brains and hearts—and the hearts are as trustworthy as the brains—in the hearts of sensible people.

now i pass over the revolutionary [157]socialists, who, i admit, if they feel inclined, are justified in throwing away their votes on saturday next, and i come to the labour and to the trade union element in our midst. there i have one or two words to say of rather a straight character, if you don't object, and which, i hope, will be taken in good part, and will be studied and examined seriously. labour in britain is not socialism. it is quite true that the socialistic element has imposed a complexion on labour, rather against its will, and is now supported in its action by funds almost entirely supplied by trade unions. but trade unions are not socialistic. they are undoubtedly individualist organisations, more in the character of the old guilds, and lean much more in the direction of the culture of the individual than in that of the smooth and bloodless uniformity of the mass. now, the trade unions are the most respectable and the most powerful element in the labour world. they are the social bulwarks of our industrial system. they are the necessary guard-rails of a highly competitive machine, and i have the right, as a member of his majesty's government, to speak with good confidence to trade unionists, because we have done more for [158]trade unionists than any other government that has ever been.

how stands the case of the trade unionists? do they really believe, i put this question to them fairly—do they really believe that there is no difference whatever between a tory and a liberal government? do trade unionists desire the downfall of the existing liberal government? would they really like to send a message of encouragement to the house of lords—for that is what it comes to—to reject and mutilate liberal and radical legislation—and labour legislation now before parliament? would they send such a message of encouragement to the house of lords as this—"house of lords, you were right in your estimate of public opinion when you denied the extension of the provision of meals to school children bill to scotland, when you threw out the scottish land valuation bill, when you threw out the scottish small holders bill—when you did all this you were right." do you wish to send that message to the house of lords? but that will be the consequence of every vote subtracted from the liberal majority.

why, gentlemen, let me return to the general current of events. what is the [159]government doing at present, and what has it done in its brief existence? within the limits under which it works, and under the present authority of the house of lords, what has it done and what is it doing for trade unionists? it has passed the trades disputes act. the workmen's compensation act has extended the benefits of compensation to six million persons not affected by previous legislation. the qualification of justices of the peace—the citizens' privy councillorship, as i call it—has been reduced so as to make it more easy for persons not possessed of this world's goods to qualify to take their place on the civic bench. you know the land legislation for england, which is designed to secure that the suitable man who wants a small parcel of land to cultivate for his own profit and advantage shall not be prevented from obtaining it by feudal legislation, by old legal formalities or class prejudice. and is the licensing bill not well worth a good blow struck, and struck now, while the iron is hot? then there is the miners' eight hours bill, a measure that has been advocated by the miners for twenty years, and justified by the highest medical testimony on humanitarian and hygienic grounds. it is costing us votes and [160]supporters. it is costing us by-elections, yet it is being driven through. have we not a right to claim the support of the trade unionists who are associated with the miners? don't they feel that this measure is hanging in the balance, not in the house of commons, but in the balance in the house of lords, which attaches to by-elections an importance which, in their arrogant assertion, entitles them to mutilate or reject legislation, even although it comes to them by the majority of a parliament newly elected on a suffrage of six millions. then there is the question of old-age pensions, a question that has been much misused and mishandled in the past.

that was a pledge given by our opponents to win the election of 1895, and after the lapse of thirteen years of toil and stress, the liberal party is able to take it up, and will implement it in an effective fashion. now, is there one of all these subjects which does not command the support of trade unionists and responsible labour leaders? the government is fighting for these measures. the government is risking its life and power for these and similar objects. the tory party is opposing it on every point. the tory party is gaining [161]popularity from the resistance of the interests which are affected by the passing of such measures of social reform. the house of lords is the weapon of the tory party. with that weapon they can make a liberal government ridiculous. are the labour leaders, are trade unionists, confronted at this moment with the menace of reaction, deliberately going to throw in their lot with the house of lords? i don't think they will. the record in labour legislation under the existence of the present government is a record which deserves, and will, i believe, command, the support of the great mass of the labouring classes of our country.

but i say, in all seriousness, that if the liberal government is on the one hand confronted by the house of lords, fortified by sporadic by-elections, and on the other hand is attacked, abused, derided, by a section of those for whom it is fighting, then that government, whatever its hopes, whatever its energies, whatever its strength, will be weakened, will perhaps succumb, and will be replaced by another government. and by what other government will it be replaced? there can be no other result from such a division of progressive forces than to [162]instal a tory and protectionist government in power. that will not be fatal to us. liberalism will not be killed. liberalism is a quickening spirit—it is immortal. it will live on through all the days, be they good days or be they evil days. no! i believe it will even burn stronger and brighter and more helpful in evil days than in good—just like your harbour-lights, which shine out across the sea, and which on a calm night gleam with soft refulgence, but through the storm flash a message of life to those who toil on the rough waters.

but it takes a great party to govern great britain—no clique, no faction, no cabal, can govern the forty millions of people who live in this island. it takes a vast concentration of forces to make a governing instrument. you have now got a radical and democratic governing instrument, and if this administration is broken, that instrument will be shattered. it has been recreated painfully and laboriously after twenty years by courage and fidelity. it has come into being—it is here. it is now at work, and by legislation and by the influence which it can exercise throughout the whole world, it is making even our opponents talk our language, making all parties in the state think [163]of social reform, and concern themselves with social and domestic affairs. beware how you injure that great instrument, as mr. gladstone called it—or weaken it at a moment when the masses of this country have need of it. why, what would happen, if this present government were to perish? on its tomb would be written: "beware of social reform. the labouring classes will not support a government engaged in social reform. every social reform will cost you votes. beware of social reform. 'learn to think imperially.'"

an inconclusive verdict from dundee, the home of scottish radicalism—an inconclusive, or, still more, a disastrous verdict—would carry a message of despair to every one in all parts of our island and in our sister island who is working for the essential influences and truths of liberalism and progress. down, down, down would fall the high hopes of the social reformer. the constructive plans now forming in so many brains would melt into air. the old régime would be reinstated, reinstalled. like the bourbons, they will have learned nothing and will have forgotten nothing. we shall step out of the period of adventurous hope in which we have lived for a [164]brief spell; we shall step back to the period of obstinate and prejudiced negations. for ireland—ten years of resolute government; for england—dear food and cheaper gin; and for scotland—the superior wisdom of the house of lords! is that the work you want to do, men of dundee? is that the work to which you will put your precious franchises—your votes, which have been won for you by so much struggle in the past? no; i am confident that this city, which has of its own free will plunged into the very centre of national politics, will grasp the opportunity now presented; that its command will not be back, but forward; that its counsel will be not timidity, but courage, and that it will aim not at dividing, but at rallying the progressive forces, not at dissipating, but at combining the energies of reform. that will be the message which you will send in tones which no man can mistake—so that a keen, strong, northern air shall sweep across our land to nerve and brace the hearts of men, to encourage the weak, to fortify the strong, to uplift the generous, to correct the proud.

in time of war, when an action has been joined for a long time, and the lines are [165]locked in fierce conflict, and stragglers are coming in and the wounded drifting away, when the reserves begin to waver here and there, it is on such an occasion that scottish regiments have so often won distinction; it is on these occasions that you have seen some valiant brigade march straight forward into the battle smoke, into the confusion of the field, right into the heart of the fight. that is what you have to do at this moment. "scotland for ever!"

now i turn my argument to the other side of the field, to the other quarter, from which we are subject to attack; i turn in my appeal from trade unionists, from the labour men, who ought in all fairness to recognise the work this government is doing and back them in their sore struggle; i turn to the rich and the powerful, to unionist and conservative elements, who, nevertheless, upon free trade, upon temperance, and upon other questions of moral enlightenment, feel a considerable sympathy with the liberal party; i turn to those who say, "we like free trade and we are liberals at heart, but this government is too radical: we don't like its radical measures. why can't they let well alone? what do they mean by introducing [166]all these measures, all these bills, which," so they say, "disturb credit and trade, and interfere with the course of business, and cause so many class-struggles in the country?" i turn to those who complain we are too radical in this and in that, and that we are moving too quickly, and i say to them: "look at this political situation, not as party men, but as britons; look at it in the light of history; look at it in the light of philosophy; and look at it in the light of broad-minded, christian charity."

why is it that life and property are more secure in britain than in any other country in the world? why is it that our credit is so high and that our commerce stretches so far? is it because of the repressive laws which we impose? why, gentlemen, there are laws far more severe than any prevailing in this country, or that have prevailed here for many years, now in force in great states in europe, and yet there is no complete security of life and property notwithstanding all these repressive laws. is it because of the house of lords, that life and property are secure? why, orders of aristocracy more powerful, much more homogeneous, of greater [167]privileges, acting with much greater energy than our aristocracy, have been swept away in other countries until not a vestige, or scarce a vestige, of their existence remains. is it because of the british constitution that life and property are secure? why, the british constitution is mainly british common sense. there never were forty millions of people dwelling together who had less of an arbitrary and rigid constitution than we have here. the constitution of france, the constitution of germany, the constitution of the united states are far more rigid, far better fortified against popular movement, than the constitution under which we in these islands have moved steadily forward abreast of the centuries on the whole to a better state than any other country.

i will tell those wealthy and powerful people what the secret of the security of life and property in britain is. the security arises from the continuation of that very class-struggle which they lament and of which they complain, which goes on ceaselessly in our country, which goes on tirelessly, with perpetual friction, a struggle between class and class which never sinks into lethargy, and never breaks into violence, but which from year to year makes [168]possible a steady and constant advance. it is on the nature of that class-struggle in britain that the security of life and property is fundamentally reposed. we are always changing; like nature, we change a great deal, although we change very slowly. we are always reaching a higher level after each change, but yet with the harmony of our life unbroken and unimpaired. and i say also to those persons here, to whom i now make my appeal: wealthy men, men of light and leading have never been all on one side in our country. there have always been men of power and position who have sacrificed and exerted themselves in the popular cause; and that is why there is so little class-hatred here, in spite of all the squalor and misery which we see around us. there, gentlemen, lies the true evolution of democracy. that is how we have preserved the golden thread of historical continuity, when so many other nations have lost it for ever. that is the only way in which your island life as you know it, and love it, can be preserved in all its grace and in all its freedom—can be elevated, expanded, and illumined for those who will occupy our places when our share in the world's work is done.

[169]and i appeal to the leaders of industry and of learning in this city to range themselves on the side of a policy which will vigilantly seek the welfare of the masses, and which will strictly refuse to profit through their detriment; and, in spite of the violence of extremists, in spite of the harshness of controversy which hard conditions produce, in spite of many forces which may seem to those gentlemen ungrateful, i ask them to pursue and persevere in their crusade—for it is a crusade—of social progress and advance.

cologne cathedral took 600 years to build. generations of architects and builders lived and died while the work was in progress. still the work went on. sometimes a generation built wrongly, and the next generation had to unbuild, and the next generation had to build again. still the work went on through all the centuries, till at last there stood forth to the world a mighty monument of beauty and of truth to command the admiration and inspire the reverence of mankind. so let it be with the british commonwealth. let us build wisely, let us build surely, let us build faithfully, let us build, not for the moment, but for future years, seeking to establish [170]here below what we hope to find above—a house of many mansions, where there shall be room for all.

the result of the election was declared as follows

churchill (liberal) 7,079

baxter (conservative) 4,370

stuart (socialist) 4,014

scrymgeour (prohibitionist) 655

liberal majority 2,709