these papers essay an understanding of some of the various principles which underlie the course of political movements in the present age. there is no attempt at introducing any considerations which are not familiar to every intelligent person, nor any comparisons with other instances which are not already well known in history. why considerations which seem so obvious when stated, should yet not be familiar, may perhaps be due to the estrangement between science and corporate life, which is an unhappy feature of a time of transition both in education and in motives.

the point of view here is that of public and general conditions and not of private variations of beliefs. such moral factors, though all important to the individual, are not so much the subject of the direct physical causes and effects which are here considered. similarly the beneficial result of private benevolence is not added to these considerations, because it is largely outside of the effects of conduct, and finds its good in amending or neutralising the evil consequences of various actions. it will alwaysvi have its scope, but in opposition to, rather than in concert with, the direct effects which we are here to consider.

too often the objections to various new views are based upon some sentiment of one party, rather than upon the reason which is common to all parties. here, on the contrary, the aim is to consider the natural consequences of various actions, apart from personal opinion, and therefore on a common ground which all readers can equally accept.

the position of a partisan or an advocate has been avoided so far as possible. no doubt to many of the statements and deductions here, one party or another would cry, anathema. as a whole the results are more in accord with individualism than with collectivism; but an attempt is made to trace what are the limits of a collectivism that may not involve deleterious consequences. it may seem a fault to many minds that no cut and dried definite system or course of action is advocated; many people prefer a medicine which is guaranteed to relieve all their complaints, instead of a physiological research on the obscure causes of their troubles. but, if we are to advance, we must study the diseases of bodies politic with the same disinterestedness, and somewhat of the same unfeeling temper, as that of the physiologist in dealing with "animated nature." such a line of study will be useless to the politician, so long as he is an opportunist or a placeman; and useless to thevii–viii socialist, so long as he refuses to learn by the experience of others.

the present time seems to most people so infinitely more important to them than the past or future, that they are impatient at the introduction of comparisons which seem to reflect upon their immediate judgment, or of anticipations which would check their present gratification. they forget that it is only a fiction to speak of the present, an infinitely thin division between what has been and that which will be. every step of the past has been a present, living, urgent, imperative, to the whole world; and every such present has been entirely conditioned by its past, just as the future to us is conditioned by our present. if any race now cares to learn somewhat from its own past, and that of others, it may benefit its own future; if it prefers a blind selfishness, a better race will be welcomed to its place.

janus, who looked to the past and to the future, was the god whose temple stood always open during war, that he might bring peace upon earth. and in our day it is only the view of the past and the future which can warn us of evils to come, and save us from violence and confusion.