i cannot better commence the present chapter than by quoting the following view of this epoch, entertained by a late writer on the subject:—13

“the despotism of richelieu gave birth to the autocracy of louis xiv; it became the energetic prologue of events naturally progressive. ministerial absolutism served as a transition to regal absolute power. the ancient feudal liberty had been levelled by the monarchical scythe, while democratic equality was not as yet sufficiently matured to supply its place. the interregnum between these two influences left a wide and fertile field for the uncontrolled and unlimited authority of the grand monarque, whose name was of sufficient weight in the scale of renown to fill up this lapse with the most brilliant prestiges. it was during this invasion of one man on the ancient domains of our rights and liberties that individualism arose: this principle was more fully developed during the voluptuous lethargy of louis xv, and prepared the way for the final 152 triumph of democracy under the feeble sceptre of his successor.

“richelieu dead, the aristocracy, which had ceased to be a rival power of the throne, became its ornament, and only preserved so much of its former glories as might have been shed around the captive sovereigns who surrounded the triumphal cars of roman conquerors. yet did it appear satisfied with this humiliation when reflecting on the miserable crowd of slaves that followed it; the proud contempt of the victor not foreseeing that these captives would, in their turn, burst forth from their shackles to trample under foot the ruins both of aristocracy and monarchy.

“louis xiv, in the intervals of his warlike policy, fully understood the advantages that he could reap from these elements of aristocracy, dispersed so widely by his predecessors; and he lost no time in collecting their bleeding remains. the nobility, in his hands, was remodelled into an institution purely military, and he claimed from them to restore france to her natural limits, the same means that charles vii. had pursued to liberate the kingdom. thus was re-established a patrician militarism, in imitation of that german militarism which dated from the conquest of the gauls, and which ultimately led to the plebeian militarism of modern times.” 153

the minority of this monarch had been marked by troubled times, during which the spirit of duelling, that richelieu had to a certain extent repressed, broke forth afresh with renewed energies; and the disturbances of the fronde naturally increased these bloody feuds, by giving a certain object and character to the hostile meetings that daily took place. the monarch, anxious to preserve the blood of his subjects for more noble enterprises, sought every means to check the evil; and during his reign no less than ten edicts were promulgated to restrain these excesses: the formulary of these enactments recommended peace and concord, and fulminated destruction on the offenders. such was the prolixity of their legal verbiage, that one of the most celebrated of these acts contained no less than forty clauses and provisions. the spirit of these ordonnances can be easily judged of by the terms of the following preamble, that preceded the edict of 1643:

“having nothing dearer to our hearts than the preservation of our nobility, whose valour, so justly celebrated and dreaded all over the world, has only been tarnished by the irregularities of a monstrous frenzy; after having put up our supplications to god, which we daily continue to do with all our heart, that he may vouchsafe to open their eyes, and dispel those hateful illusions 154 which inspire them with a thirst for a spurious honour; we resolve,” &c.

in this act it is clear that the monarch was most anxious to preserve the lives and services of his most influential and distinguished followers, and did not contemplate the shedding of their blood by plebeian hands; but, as this did not appear to have always succeeded, we find in the edict of 1661 the following clause:—

“whereas it does appear that there are persons of ignoble birth, and who have never borne arms, yet are insolent enough to call out gentlemen who refuse to give them satisfaction, justly grounding their refusal on the inequality of their conditions; in consequence of which these persons excite and oppose to them other gentlemen of like degree, whence arise not unfrequently murders, the more detestable since they originate from abject sources; we do hereby will and ordain, that in all such cases of challenge and combat, more especially if followed by serious wounds or death, such ignoble and low-born citizens, duly convicted of having caused or promoted such disorders, shall be forthwith, and without any remission, hanged and strangled; all their goods and chattels, &c. confiscated; and we, moreover, do allow our judges to dispose of such part of this confiscated property as they may deem meet, as a reward to all informers who may give due knowledge of such offences; that, in the commission of 155 a crime so deserving of condign punishment, every one may be induced to make proper revelation.”

it does not appear, however, that these interdictions produced the results that might have been expected from their severity; for in 1679 came out the celebrated edit des duels, which denounces the penalty of death on all principals, seconds, and thirds, with greater or less confiscation of property as royal droits: gentlemen being deprived of their letters of nobility, and their coats of arms defaced, blackened, and broken by the public executioner; those who fell in duel being tried by contumacy, and their bodies drawn on a hurdle, and cast into the common receptacle of nuisances, being thus deprived of christian burial. a simple challenge was punished by banishment, and confiscation of one half of the offender’s property. in regard to all bearers of messages, or servants who had attended upon their masters on such occasions, and who formerly were to be hanged, this edict mercifully condemned them to be only whipped, and branded with fleur de lis. historians relate that the law was in general strictly put into execution in the latter case.

other penalties were inflicted by a court of satisfaction and reprisal. a lawyer who insulted another was subjected to very severe penalties; giving the lie, striking with hand or stick, were 156 acts that subjected the offender to imprisonment, with the obligation of making ample apology to the offended when released from confinement; and not unfrequently the injured party was allowed to inflict a castigation similar to the one he had received.

it was with this view that courts of honour were instituted, in which the marshals of france sat as supreme judges, and, after due investigation, ordered that such satisfaction should be given as the case might require, in addition to the penalty of incarceration, fine, or banishment, according to the nature of the provocation; and in various instances guards were sent to the houses of the offenders guilty of a contempt of court, who were obliged to maintain them for a considerable length of time. although the institution of courts of honour, composed of the marshals of france, is attributed to louis xiv, a similar enactment took place in 1566, in the reign of charles ix.

in theory, nothing could be more plausible than these enactments. they were received by the nation with that enthusiasm which usually attends upon any innovation; even the academy granted a prize-medal to the author of a successful poem on the abolition of duelling. in practice, however, the law was far from attaining its desirable end. the prejudices and false views of honour had too long prevailed to 157 be easily eradicated, and human passions sought every possible expedient to elude these wise and humane provisions; it might also have been easily foreseen, that, the novelty of the proceedings of the court of honour once having ceased to be popular, the judges themselves, being soldiers, punctilious on such points, which from early youth they had considered as demanding the satisfaction of an appeal to arms, gradually relaxed. it must also be considered that the sovereign himself was a warlike prince, who had imbibed similar ideas from his early days; and moreover, as has been very justly observed, that, while he thus fulminated his royal anathema against duelling, he issued patents to fencing-masters to allow them to exercise their craft. the courtier well knew, that, if he screened himself from resenting an injury under the sanction of the law of the land, the laws of society would brand him as a coward, and the sovereign himself would withdraw his countenance in court and camp. nor can we be surprised at the difficulty of checking these excesses, which were incessantly fomented by civil and religious discord; such was the hostility that prevailed amongst churchmen and their followers, that processions of religious bodies not only frequently attacked each other in the streets with the most virulent language, but actually came to blows, and fought with crucifixes, 158 banners, and censers in notre dame and the holy chapel, pelting each other with prayer-books and missals,—a combat that boileau has ludicrously described in his “lutrin;” it was observed that the most serious ecclesiastical fray of this nature took place in the church of notre dame, on the very day when louis xiii. placed the kingdom under the special protection of the virgin mary.

private outrages, and breaches of common courtesy and decency, frequently arose amongst the first persons in the realm. the great condé gave a slap in the face to the comte des rieux in the presence of the duke of orleans, when the count returned the blow with interest; for which retaliation he was sent for a few days to the bastille. this comte des rieux was the son of the duke d’elbeuf; and it had been jocosely observed, “that the cheeks of that nobleman’s family had been selected as the field of battle in the wars of the fronde.” on this occasion it is related, that the duke de beaufort, the son of a bastard of henry iv, and who from his vulgarity and brutal excesses was nicknamed the roi des halles, or what we might translate the king of billingsgate, asked the president de belliévre, if he did not think that a slap on the cheeks of the duke d’elbeuf might change the face of affairs. the president replied, that 159 he apprehended the only change it might produce would be in the face of the duke.

shortly after, in 1652, this same duke of beaufort, having a quarrel with his brother-in-law, the duke de nemours, on a point of precedence, killed him in a pistol duel, at which four seconds were present, who, according to the laudable practice of the times, kept company with their principals; the marquis de villars shooting his adversary d’héricourt, whom he had then the honour to meet for the first time.

madame de motteville, in her memoirs, states that this said nobleman, his grace of beaufort, accompanied by six of his worthy companions, went to insult in the most brutal manner the duc de candalle, upsetting the table at which he was seated at dinner with several noble guests; and when the duke thus outrageously insulted demanded satisfaction, declined meeting him, on the plea of consanguinity, as he was his cousin-german. despite his unruly conduct, this worthy was soon after selected by his sovereign as chief of the admiralty.

de beaufort was one of the principal leaders of “la fronde,” and the most active partisan of cardinal de retz, who, although a dignitary of the church, knew the use of his sword as well, if not better, than his breviary; he fought two duels, alleging as a precedent his predecessor 160 the cardinal de guise, who was ever ready to wield either a sword or a crucifix.

it was during this reign that arose the celebrated quarrel between the beautiful duchess de longueville, sister of the great condé, and the duchess de montbazon, the mother-in-law of madame de chevreuse; these three ladies being concerned in all the intrigues of the busy court of anne of austria, then regent of the kingdom.

the subject of this dispute arose from a love-letter, in a woman’s hand-writing, having been found, which was supposed to have been dropped by the comte de coligny as he was leaving the apartments of madame de longueville, and which contained various reports unfavourable to the reputation of madame de montbazon. this letter was attributed to madame de longueville, who insisted that coligny, her acknowledged lover, should call out de guise, the favourite of madame de montbazon. the parties met in open day in the place royale, where coligny received a mortal wound; while the two seconds, d’estrade and de bridieu, were fighting, and the latter was severely wounded. this duel is worthy of record, from the singular fatality which attended it. admiral de coligny, the illustrious victim of the massacre of st. barthelemi, was murdered by the orders of the duke de guise; and, seventy 161 years after, the grandson of the admiral was killed by the grandson of the duke!

notwithstanding the severity of his different edicts, louis xiv. took no notice of this fatal rencontre: a circumstance which led to the observation, in a journal of the times, “that the king, although jealous of his authority, was not sorry at heart when he saw his nobles punctilious on matters of honour; therefore many of them willingly exposed themselves to the severity of the law, to obtain the secret approbation of their sovereign.” mazarin, excepting in cases where his authority was questioned, and his influence concerned, seldom exerted himself to prevent these evils. the comte de rochefort, who had entered his service after the decease of richelieu, has given in his memoirs strange illustrations of the depravity and brutality of the times; and we find the following account in his diary. “chance would have it that this day i found myself in company with the comte d’harcourt, and, having drunk to great excess, it was determined that we should all set out and rob on the pont neuf; an amusement brought into fashionable vogue by the duc d’orleans. the chevalier de rieux, one of the party, felt, like me, much repugnance to this exploit; and by his advice, instead of joining the party, we climbed up on the neck of the bronze horse of henry iv, where we might safely view this adventure. 162 our companions were waylaying the passengers, and had already robbed them of several cloaks, when a party of archers appeared, and they took to their heels. we endeavoured to follow their example; but, in coming down from the equestrian statue, the bronze reins of the horse, on which de rieux was supported, were broken under his weight, and he fell to the ground, when we were apprehended without any resistance on our part; de rieux complaining most loudly of the pain he experienced from his fall, while we were both led to the chatelet.”

the parties were kept some time in prison, de rieux endeavouring to exculpate himself by throwing all the blame upon rochefort, the narrator of this anecdote, who forthwith called him out; but, having declined the meeting, rochefort struck him with the flat of his sword. he then demanded satisfaction from the comte d’harcourt, the leader of the unruly party; but the count declined the honour on the plea of his rank. rochefort then, disappointed in his anxiety to fight, assisted by a neighbour of harcourt who owed him a grudge, cut down the finest trees on that nobleman’s estate, and destroyed his preserves; till, at last, a friend and partisan of the count, a desperado of the name of bréauté, sought him, and called him out on the behalf of harcourt. rochefort was severely wounded; and bréauté, who had 163 also received a wound in the thigh, bore off his sword as a trophy of his victory, carrying it to the count, who celebrated his exploit in revelry. rochefort had been severely wounded in the lungs; but his patron, the cardinal mazarin, publicly espoused his cause, and sent him his own surgeon, with a purse of five hundred crowns. on his recovery he again set out to despoil the property of his enemy, accompanied by a fellow of the name of des planches; but these worthies fell out upon the road while at supper, and, after throwing plates and dishes at each other, commenced fighting with their fists. rochefort having amused himself in poaching on the count’s grounds, des planches with his followers placed himself in ambuscade, and fired upon him and his party from behind a hedge; apologising after this outrage, on the plea of his having mistaken him for harcourt and his gamekeepers. still mazarin contrived to protect these desperate ruffians: and, although this des planches had been dismissed the service in consequence of a dispute with his commanding officer, he returned to paris under the cardinal’s patronage, to marry a wealthy person; but, his wife being unable to check his desperate mode of living, he died after a drunken party a few years subsequent to his marriage.

this rochefort, in his memoirs, gives a curious account of a challenge sent by a person of 164 the name of madaillan to the marquis de rivard, who had lost a leg at the siege of puy cerda. as fighting upon an equal footing was considered a point of honour, the marquis sent to his opponent a surgeon with a case of instruments, proposing that he should submit to a similar amputation. the joke was successful, and madaillan’s wrath was appeased.

at various periods of the french monarchy, and despite the severity of the edicts to prevent hostile meetings, the patronage of distinguished personages was considered sufficient to shield the transgressors from punishment. an anecdote is related of a person who, having been introduced into society by a noble patron, was turned out of doors for cheating at cards, with a threat of being thrown out of the window. he complained of this insult to his protector, who very quietly replied, “what would you have me do? all that i can advise you at present is, never to play at cards except on the ground-floor.”

about this period a duel took place at brussels between beauvais, an esquire of the prince de condé, and a gentleman who had presumed to walk up stairs before him, in which the offended esquire was mortally wounded. this beauvais’ ideas of honour were most fastidious, for, although he perilled his life because another 165 gentleman had taken precedence of him, he resisted the earnest entreaties of the prince his master, who on his death-bed requested him to marry a young person whom he had seduced, and so to legitimatize the children she had borne him; one of whom, uranie, was afterwards married to the prince of savoy.

in 1663, a duel took place between la frette and de chalais. they were coming out from a ball at the palace, when la frette, who had had some difference with de chalais on account of certain ladies, pushed against him, and a meeting of three against three was arranged for the following morning. the king, being apprised of the circumstance, sent his orders to la frette, adding, that if he did not keep the peace, he would have his throat cut. the bearer of the royal message was monsieur de saint aignan, to whom la frette replied, that, as he was his cousin, he was certain that he would not break up a pleasant party and one so well arranged; adding, moreover, that, if he felt disposed to join it, he was convinced that he could easily find him an opponent. to this proposal, although the bearer of a royal mandate, saint aignan acceded; and, instead of a combat between threes, it was fought by fours, one of the party being the marquis d’antin. the king was justly incensed at this act of disobedience, and especially 166 at the conduct of saint aignan, who had joined the combatants, instead of fulfilling his pacific mission: all the parties were obliged to quit the kingdom; the la frettes, however, were soon after pardoned at the intercession of pope clement x, who offered on this occasion to absolve the king from his vow against duelling.

the only instance in which the severe laws against duelling were carried into execution was at toulouse, in the case of the marquis de la donze, who had treacherously killed his brother-in-law. whatever effect this severity might have produced upon the public mind, it did not appear to affect the offender, for, when upon the scaffold his confessor exhorted him to pray for forgiveness for his crime, he replied with the usual gascon ejaculation, “sandis! do you call one of the cleverest thrusts in gascony a crime?”

another duel which created a great sensation was the one fought between the counts de brionne and d’hautefort; the latter having called the former out for refusing to marry his sister, whom he had courted. both combatants were wounded, and were proceeded against by the grand provost; but, after a short imprisonment, the affair was hushed up.

it is certain that, as voltaire has justly observed, many disputes, which at other periods must have led to hostile meetings, were settled 167 during this reign without bloodshed. such, for instance, was the quarrel of the dukes de luxembourg and richelieu about precedence; when, after a long and angry correspondence, richelieu, meeting luxembourg in the palace, where he was captain of the guard, went up to him, and told him that he dared him on foot and on horseback, he or his followers, either at court or in city, and even in the army, should he proceed to it, or, in short, in any part of the world. notwithstanding this provocation, an apology was deemed sufficient. an apology was also considered satisfactory in the dispute which arose between the prince de conti and the grand prior of vend?me, at the dauphin’s, where the prince accused the latter of cheating at play, and moreover called him a coward and a liar: the prior threw the cards in his face, and insisted upon immediate satisfaction. the prince claimed the privilege of his birth; but at the same time condescended to add, that, although he could not infringe the laws by acceding to his challenge, it was an easy matter to meet him. these meetings, which were resorted to, to keep within the pale of the laws, were called rencontres instead of duels: hence originated the term. howbeit, the dauphin, hearing of the quarrel, jumped out of bed, and in his shirt, proceeded to terminate the difference. subsequently making his report to 168 the king, the next morning the grand prior was sent to the bastille, whence he was only liberated on the condition that he should make an humble apology to the prince de conti for having been called by him a cheat, a liar, and a poltroon.

previous to this fracas, a rencontre had taken place between the son of the count de latour d’auvergne and a celebrated swordsman, the chevalier de caylus; a quarrel having arisen in a brothel about cards and prostitutes. caylus was obliged to quit the kingdom, and his effigy was hanged on the place de grève.

a gambling duel, on a point of honour, is recorded of a m. de boisseuil, one of the king’s equerries; who, having detected his antagonist cheating at cards, exposed his conduct. the insulted gentleman demanded satisfaction, when boisseuil replied that he did not fight with a person who was a rogue! “that may be,” said the other; “but i do not like to be called one!” they met on the ground, where boisseuil received two desperate wounds.

it was during this reign that a curious meeting took place between la fontaine the fabulist, whose meekness and apathy had acquired him the name of “the good,” and an officer. although generally blind to the irregularities of his wife, he once took it into his head to become jealous of a captain of dragoons, of the name of 169 poignant. la fontaine had not himself observed the intimacy with his wife; but some kind friends had drawn his attention to its impropriety, telling him that it was incumbent on him to demand satisfaction. la fontaine reluctantly persuaded, contrary to his usual habits, got up early one morning, took his sword, and went out to meet his antagonist. when the parties were in presence, the worthy poet said, “my dear sir, i must fight you, since i am assured that it is absolutely necessary.” he then proceeded to acquaint him with the reasons that induced him to call him out, and drew his pacific sword. the dragoon, thus obliged to defend himself, whipped the weapon out of the inexperienced hand of the fabulist, and, having disarmed him, proceeded quietly to point out to him the absurdity of the reports circulated in regard to his wife, and the folly of his having thus exposed his valuable life; adding, that since his visits had been the occasion of scandal, he would from that hour cease to call at his house. le bon la fontaine was so affected by this sincere explanation, that he not only insisted that the captain should pay more frequent visits than ever, but swore that he would fight him over again if he discontinued them.

the inefficacy of the various edicts to restrain duels was at last acknowledged, and various means were adopted to enforce them. in the year 1651, 170 a clergyman of the name of olier, founder of the congregation of st. sulpice, conceived a plan of supplying the inefficiency of the law, by putting honour in opposition to itself. with this view he projected an association of gentlemen of tried valour, who, by subscribing an engagement to which the solemnity of an oath was to be added, obliged themselves never to send or accept a challenge, and never to serve as seconds in a duel. in this project he engaged the marquis de fénélon, a nobleman respected for the frankness of his disposition and the austerity of his principle, as well as for his well-known courage, when that quality had been called upon in the service of his country; since it was of him that the great condé had said, that he was equally qualified for conversation, for the field, or for the cabinet. it was to this nobleman that the justly celebrated archbishop of cambray owed his education and his rise in the church.

the marquis de fénélon having placed himself at the head of this association,—into which no one was admitted unless he had distinguished himself in the service,—on the sunday of the pentecost, the members assembled in the church of st. sulpice, and placed in the hands of mr olier a solemn instrument, expressing their firm and unalterable resolution never to be principals or seconds in a duel, and moreover to discourage the baneful practice to the utmost of 171 their power. the great condé was so struck with the proceeding, that he said to the marquis, that a person must have the opinion which he himself entertained of his valour, not to be alarmed at seeing him the first to break the ice on such an occasion.

however, it appears that neither the king’s determination to forward the views of this praiseworthy association, nor the exertions of its respectable members, could totally eradicate the prejudice that maintained the evil; and madame de crequi, in her reminiscences, sadly errs when she affirms that during seventeen years not a duel had been fought. voltaire was also incorrect when he attributed to this prince, surnamed the great, the abolition of these bloody proceedings. voltaire was such an enthusiastic admirer of louis xiv, that in this case, as in many others, where his partiality, his prejudices, or his scepticism prevailed, he lost sight of facts, or, at any rate, passed them over in silence to suit his purposes. the following extract from a recent work gives a much fairer view of this prince’s reign than is given by the generality of his historians:

“his reign, like that of most conquerors, was equally divided between repeated successes and failures. his arms were triumphant so long as he fought to obtain the natural limits of france, which to this day enjoys the fruits of his conquests; 172 but fortune forsook his banners as soon as he drew his sword to level the pyrenees. his reign commenced in glory, and terminated in humiliation; the prestige of authority took wing with that of victory. when the grand monarque died, the monarchy may be said to have descended into its sepulchre, and the people, who had once trembled in his presence, insulted his ashes; while the parliament, into whose halls he was wont to enter booted and spurred, avenged themselves by trampling on his will. it was, in truth, the protection he afforded to literature, and the patronage with which he honoured distinguished men and letters, that acquired for him the surname of great. the m?cenas of his age, he was entitled to the distinction; and it has been truly said of him that france owed to him her knowledge of literature, as asia owed her acquaintance with grecian superiority to alexander.”

the efforts of louis to civilize the country, and encourage science and the fine arts, were indefatigable; and what is still more estimable in this monarch was, his attending to the improvement of the nation during the turmoil of war. he established the most extensive manufactures; formed the east india company; built an observatory, and a printing-office in his palace for the publication of the best translations of ancient writers; sent out navigators 173 on voyages of discovery; and, while he received at his court cassini, huygens, and the most distinguished foreigners who could adorn it, he encouraged native genius with liberality. he personally defended boileau, racine, and molière against their enemies, provided for the family of corneille, directed the studio of le brun and his contemporary artists, while he attached lulli to his court, and gave quinault the subjects of his operas; pensions too were granted to all those who had contributed by their courage or their talents to the grandeur of the empire. he felt and knew that no sovereign can become popular unless national genius and talent meet with encouragement at court; and that, thus fostered, national taste will improve more rapidly than by the degrading importation of foreign perfections. the greatest error of this prince was his neglect of the future, while engrossed by the glorious schemes of the present; and his never thinking on the means that his successor might require to replenish the exhausted exchequer. his ambition had been to revive the augustan age: his position, in reality, was not unlike that of the roman emperor; c?sar had become the master of the empire, and henry iv. had consolidated his kingdom. both princes ascended the throne surrounded by a warlike people that required civilization, and colbert was to louis what m?cenas had been to his imperial 174 master; what is more singular is, the circumstance of their both being born in the same month, and dying nearly at the same age. it is to be lamented that, while the great mind of louis encouraged the fine arts and literature, it should have been warped by superstition and bigotry; and the persecution of protestantism, with the odious dragonades, will ever be a blot upon his memory. we can only account for these atrocities by considering them as the terms upon which he obtained priestly absolution for his many vices.

it must certainly be acknowledged that duelling was discountenanced during the reign of this prince, and was much less frequent than under his predecessors; but i apprehend that this circumstance was more to be attributed to the rapid progress of civilization and polished manners, to which i have alluded, than to the severity of legal enactments. the refinement of manners that accompanied the quick advance of intellectual attainments materially tended to humanize society, and to make those who could reflect on the horrors of the past, blush at the fashionable countenance bestowed upon a practice which should have sunk into the grave with gothic ignorance and barbarism. war was the sole occupation in savage times; and amongst barbarians, strangers to all the blessings of civilized life and social 175 enjoyments, personal and brute courage was the only claim to distinction and pre-eminence. mandeville has fully illustrated such a condition of society in his fable of the bees: “if we well mind what effects man’s bravery, without any other qualifications to sweeten him, would have out of an army, we shall find that it would be very pernicious to civil society; for, if a man could conquer all his fears, you would hear of little else but rapine and violence of all sorts, and valiant men would be like giants in romance. politics, therefore, discovered in men a mixed principle, which was a compound of justice, honesty, and all the moral virtues, joined to courage; and all that were possessed of it turned knights-errant, of course. they did abundance of good throughout the world, by taming monsters, delivering the distressed, and killing oppressors. but the wings of all the dragons being clipped, the giants destroyed, and the damsels everywhere set at liberty, (except some few in spain and italy, who remain still captivated by religious monsters,) the order of chivalry, to whom the standard of ancient honour belonged, has been laid aside for some time. it was like their armour, very massy and heavy; the many virtues about it served to make it very troublesome; and, as ages grew wiser and wiser, the principle of honour at the beginning of the last century (1600) was melted 176 over and over again, and brought into a new standard. they put in the same weight of courage half the quantity of honesty, and a very little justice, but not a scruple of any other virtue; which has made it very easy and portable to what it was.”

louis xiv, although the despotic chief of a monarchical government, was well aware that the point of honour should be held sacred amongst his armed followers, yet was he convinced of the necessity of tempering its brutality; while, as we have seen, he himself individually esteemed the illegal exhibition of personal courage, which his edicts condemned. when a courtier complained to one of the marshals that he had received a slap in the face, the general replied, “then, sir, go and wash it off.” the slap in the face was the subject of an amusing passage in molière’s play of the “sicilian,” where a character says, “my lord, i have received a slap in the face,—you know what a slap in the face is, when it is bestowed with open hand on the middle of the cheek; i have this slap on my heart, sir, and i am meditating which is the most advisable method to wipe off the affront, either to fight the fellow, or to get him assassinated.” montesquieu has observed, that in monarchical governments, “there is nothing that honour more strongly recommends than to serve the prince in a military capacity; in fact, this is 177 the favourite profession of honour, because its dangers, its success, and even its miscarriages, are the road to greatness: the honour of monarchies is favoured by the passions, and favours them in return; but virtue is a self-renunciation, which is always arduous and painful. this is the reason why we never meet with so strict a purity of morals in monarchies as in republican governments: in monarchies, the actions of men are not approved of as being good, but shining; not as being just, but great; not as being reasonable, but extraordinary; and honour allows of gallantry when united with the idea of sensual affection, or with that of conquest.” this enlightened writer further adds: “we have only to cast our eye on a nation (england) that may be justly called a republic disguised under the form of a monarchy, and we shall see how jealous they are of making a separate order of the profession of arms, and how the military state is continually allied to that of the citizen, and even of the magistrate, to the end that the latter may be a pledge to their country, which should never be forgotten. military men in england are regarded as belonging to a profession which may be useful, but is often dangerous; civil qualities are therefore more highly esteemed than military.”

these sentiments are also those of one of the warmest advocates of duelling, coustard de massi, who thus expresses himself: “i own that 178 in republican governments the practice of duelling may be prevented, because the courage of the people is sufficiently fostered by an enthusiastic love of their country; which powerful incentive alone can elevate their troops to superior boldness, and make them perform such astonishing acts of valour as are to be found in the greek and roman histories:” but in monarchical governments our author maintains that duelling is indispensable. what a flattering encomium bestowed on despotism, where the passions of a profligate monarch are to be considered more commanding than the love of country and independence! what a lesson does not this quotation give to british duellists!

moore has made, on this subject, the following judicious observations: “some have asserted that we should become a pusillanimous nation if a less stress were laid than is at present on that species of personal courage which is exhibited in the duel. but the annals of all ages afford us a sufficient proof and consolation, that in all cases of emergency the free-born subjects of a free nation, through that natural enthusiasm which a love of their country inspires, will strain every nerve of courage in defence of their liberty or warlike glory, without having been previously disciplined in the school of duelling and modern honour.”

the frequency of duels in the united states 179 may be adduced in opposition to the foregoing opinions; but this objection by no means holds good. america is still a young country; and society, although it is making rapid strides towards a higher state of civilization, is still under the influence of rude and unpolished manners and prejudices, which a superior education and more enlightened times alone can remove: and i feel confident, from the daily progression of improvement in those regions, that in half a century duels will be there of as rare occurrence, if not rarer than in great britain; and this progress will be in the ratio of that of literature and the fine arts, for bloodshed and murder, however qualified, are incompatible with the pursuits and the gentler occupations of peace. the sun of science will gradually dispel the mists of ignorance and prejudice, open the mind to the conviction of reason and of truth, and show that a stem republican may display a courtly polish without derogating from the independence of a free man, since courtesy of behaviour may be considered the natural result of superior education.

i have deemed this digression from the plan of this work excusable, as the reign of louis xiv. may be said to have constituted an epoch in civilization: we shall see how far his successors sought to cultivate the advantages which it held forth. 180

we may say that with this reign terminated the practice of duelling, as founded upon ancient usages; and, as i have quoted montesquieu, a further passage from this illustrious writer may be considered as a recapitulation of the grounds upon which the erroneous views of the point of honour were based.

“we find many strange enigmas in the legal codes of barbarians. by the law of the frisons, half a sol was granted as a compensation for a man who had been beaten with a stick. by the salic law, an ingénu, who gave three blows of a stick, paid a fine of as many sols; and, if blood was drawn, he was punished as though the injury had been inflicted with an iron weapon, and had to pay fifteen sols. the law of the lombards established various compositions for one, two, or three or four blows; but now-a-days one blow is worth a hundred thousand.

“the constitution of charlemagne, inserted in the laws of the lombards, enacts that those who are allowed a duel should fight with sticks: this regulation was partially in favour of the clergy; and it is also likely that it was intended to render duels less sanguinary. in the capitularies of louis le débonnaire, the combatants had the choice of staves or arms; subsequently it was only serfs who fought with cudgels.

“already i see arising the particular articles 181 of our point of honour. the accuser commenced by declaring to a judge that a person had committed a certain action; the accused replied that he asserted a falsehood, and the judge ordered the battle. thus was introduced the maxim, that the lie demanded a combat.

“when a man had once declared that he would fight, he could not avoid the necessity; and, if he withdrew from the obligation, he was subject to a penalty. hence arose the rule, that, when a man had once pledged his word, he could not retract it without dishonour.

“gentlemen fought with each other on horseback, and with their arms; while villains fought on foot, and with staves. hence a stick was considered a weapon of degradation, since a man who had been struck with it had been treated like a villain.

“moreover, it was only villains who fought with their faces uncovered, therefore they alone could receive a blow in the face: thus a slap in the face became an injury that could only be obliterated with blood, for the man whose face had been slapped had been treated like a low-born person.

“the german races were not less alive to this view of the point of honour; they were, if possible, still more punctilious: the most distant relations took part in disputes, and all their codes were founded on this principle. accordingly, 182 the laws of the lombards ordained, that if a man, accompanied by his followers, went to assault another who was not upon his guard, to bring shame and ridicule upon him, he should pay one-half of the composition which he would have had to give in the event of his having killed him. thus do we see our ancestors keenly alive to an affront; but they had no particular view of any affront of a specific nature as regards the weapon made use of, or the part of the body that was struck.”

it is to chivalry that this eloquent writer attributes the rise of gallantry, when sentiments of love were associated with a sense of strength, valour, and protection; and this spirit was inherent in the practice of tournaments, which, uniting tender passions with noble deeds, gave to gallantry a greater importance than it would otherwise have obtained, had they merely been trials of skill and courage in a passage of arms; and to this day the term gallant is applied to a man brave, high-spirited in his bearing, splendid and magnificent in his appearance, and devoted to the service of the fair.