insecurity of the orleanist monarchy—the spanish marriages—lord palmerston's foreign policy—meeting of the french chambers—prohibition of the reform banquet—the multitude in arms—vacillation of louis philippe—he abdicates in favour of his grandson—flight of the royal family—proclamation of the provisional government—lamartine quells the populace—the unemployed—invasion of the assembly—prince louis napoleon—the ateliers nationaux—paris in a state of siege—the rebellion quelled by cavaignac—a new constitution—louis napoleon elected president of the french republic—effect of the french revolution in england—the chartists—outbreak at glasgow—the monster petition—notice by the police commissioners—the 10th of april—the special constables—the duke of wellington's preparations—the convention on kennington common—feargus o'connor and commissioner mayne—collapse of the demonstration—incendiary placards at glasgow—history of the chartist petition—renewed gatherings of chartists—arrests—trial of the chartist leaders—evidence of spies—the sentences.

louis philippe, king of the french, had been the subject of constant eulogy for the consummate ability and exquisite tact with which he had governed france for seventeen years. it was supposed that the "citizen king" had at length taught his restless and impulsive subjects the blessings of constitutional government, and that they were perfectly contented with the free institutions under which it was now their happiness to live. guizot, regarded as one of the greatest statesmen on the continent, was at the head of affairs in 1847, and it was hoped that his profound wisdom and keen sagacity would enable him to guard the state against any dangers with which it might be threatened by the legitimists on one side or the democrats on the other. but the whole aspect of public affairs in france was deceptive, and the unconscious monarch occupied a throne which rested on a volcano. the representative government of which he boasted was nothing but a sham—a gross fraud upon the nation. the basis of the electoral constituency was extremely narrow, and majorities were secured in the chambers by the gross abuse of enormous government patronage. the people, however, saw through the delusion, and were indignant at the artifices by which they were deceived. the king, who interfered with his ministers in everything, and really directed the government, was proud of his skill in "managing" his ministry, his parliament, and the nation. but the conviction gained ground everywhere, and with it arose a feeling of deep resentment, that he had broken faith with the nation, that he had utterly failed to fulfil his pledges to the people, who had erected the barricades, and placed him upon the throne in 1830. the friends of the monarchy were convinced that it could only be saved by speedy and effectual reform. but the very name of reform was hateful to the king, and his aide-de-camp took care to make known to the members of the chambers his opinions and feelings upon the subject. m. odillon barrot, however, originated a series of reform banquets, which commenced in paris, and were held in the principal provincial cities, at which the most eminent men in the country delivered strong speeches against political corruption and corrupters, and especially against the minister who was regarded as their chief defender—guizot.

while thus tottering on the verge of revolution the orleanist monarchy had the misfortune to affront the british court. the reason of the rupture is known to history as the affair of the spanish marriages, of which it is enough to say here that louis philippe succeeded in marrying the young queen of spain to her cousin, the duke of cadiz, who was imbecile, while at the same time he secured the hand of her sister for his youngest son, the duc de montpensier. thus he apparently acquired the reversion of the throne for his family, but the coup was effected in defiance of pledges made repeatedly to lord aberdeen and continued to his successor at the foreign office, lord palmerston. it was undoubtedly the advent of the latter to power which hurried on the conclusion of the intrigue. louis philippe and guizot suspected him of trying to secure the hand of the queen of spain for a prince of the house of coburg, and was justified to a certain extent by an imprudent despatch sent by the english foreign secretary to our minister at madrid. thereupon the king of the french frightened the queen-mother of spain into giving her consent to the marriages, which were celebrated simultaneously on the 10th of october, 1846. the calculating cunning displayed by louis philippe and the deliberate sacrifice of a young girl to sordid requirements of state aroused a feeling of universal disgust. from queen victoria the proceedings provoked a letter to louis philippe's queen, which[549] concluded with the scathing remark—"i am glad that i can say for myself that i have always been sincere with you." it was in fact, as her foreign minister wrote to his brother, "a twister."

louis philippe hears of the revolution. (see p. 551.)

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thus the entente cordiale was broken, and the two powers were left isolated in europe, for the efforts of louis philippe to form an alliance with the austrian court were without success. in the circumstances lord palmerston's foreign policy during these eventful years was inevitably somewhat unsatisfactory. when austria, in defiance of pledges, annexed the republic of cracow, he could only issue a solitary protest, which was completely disregarded. in portugal affairs were once more in complete confusion, the conservative party, headed by the queen, being in arms against the so-called liberals led by das antas. palmerston left them to fight it out until foreign intervention appeared inevitable from spain, if not from france; then he made an offer of help to the queen donna maria, on condition that she would grant a general amnesty and appoint a neutral administration. the terms were accepted by the conservatives. the liberal junta submitted on hearing that its fleet had been captured by the british, and the civil war came to an end. meanwhile, in switzerland lord palmerston was upholding the cause of the diet against the secessionist cantons known as the sonderbund, by refusing to countenance the intervention of the powers in swiss affairs, which was advocated by prince metternich and also by guizot. for a moment his position was dangerous, as guizot declared that the opportunity had come for france to take vengeance upon england by forming another quadruple treaty, from which great britain should be excluded. but the prompt victory of the diet's general, dufour, over the forces of the sonderbund saved the situation, and owing to palmerston's representations the victorious party abstained from vindictive measures. thus revolution was postponed in europe for another year, and palmerston attempted similar results in italy, whither he sent lord minto, the first lord of the admiralty, on a special mission to support constitutional reforms in sardinia and at rome, where the new pope, pius ix. by title, was supposed to be the friend of progress. but the blind hostility[550] of metternich prevailed. the reforms granted by his puppet princes were wholly insufficient in extent, and events in italy were evidently hastening towards an upheaval, when the train of the european explosion was fired in france.

the french chambers were summoned for the 28th of december, and the king opened them in person, reading a speech which was vague, vapid, and disappointing. it contained one passage, however, which was sufficiently intelligible. it was a denunciation and a defiance of reform. he said:—"in the midst of the agitation fomented by hostile and blind passions, one conviction sustains and animates me—it is that in the constitutional monarchy, in the union of the great powers of the state, we possess the most assured means of surmounting all obstacles, and of satisfying the moral and material interests of our dear country." next day a meeting of the opposition deputies was held in paris at the café durand, in the place de la madeleine, when it was proposed that they should all send in their resignations. this would cause 102 elections, at which the conduct of the government would be fully discussed at the hustings in different parts of the country. this was objected to by the majority, who were for holding a banquet in defiance of the government. a committee was appointed to make the arrangements, and the announcement caused the greatest excitement. on the 21st of february, 1848, the government issued a proclamation forbidding the banquet, which was to take place on the following day. the prohibition was obeyed; the banquet was not held. in the meantime, great numbers of people arrived in paris from the country, and immense multitudes from all the faubourgs assembled at the madeleine, in the champs elysées, and at the place de la concorde, consisting for the most part of workmen and artisans. the people seemed violently agitated, as if prepared for the most desperate issues. the troops were under arms, however, and the king, who was in the gayest humour, laughed with his courtiers at the pretensions of barrot and the reformers. the excitement, however, increased every moment. when the troops came near the crowd, they were received with hisses and assailed with stones. the rue royale, the rue de rivoli, and rue st. honoré, were cleared and occupied by cavalry, and the populace were driven into the back streets, where some barricades were constructed, and some occasional shots exchanged between the military and the insurgents. the principal struggles, however, were between the people and the municipal guard, which they abhorred. wherever they met through the city, the conflict became fierce, sanguinary, and ruthless. but the national guard had no such animosity against the people; on the contrary, they sympathised with them thoroughly, raised with them the cry of "vive la réforme," and refused to act against them. the king could not be got to believe this fact till the last moment.

on the 23rd the aspect of the insurgent multitude became more fierce, daring, and determined. guizot had announced the resignation of his cabinet; the king had sent for count molé, then for m. thiers, who was asked to form a new ministry. he declined unless odillon barrot became one of his colleagues. the king gave a reluctant consent, but barrot was not prepared to sanction measures of military repression. marshal bugeaud, the hero of algiers, whose exploits there made his name terrible, had been appointed commander-in-chief of the first military division, and of the national guard of paris, but the national guard were not prepared to fight against the people. the people, knowing this, shouted, "vive la garde nationale!" and the national guard shouted, "vive la réforme!" in the evening, about seven o'clock, an immense body of the working classes formed in procession, headed by men carrying blazing torches, and marching along the boulevards, chanted two lines of the girondists' song—

"mourir pour la patrie,

c'est le sort le plus beau, le plus digne d'envie!"

this was only interrupted by the cries of "à bas guizot!" "à bas les ministres!" these cries, everywhere received with electrical enthusiasm, were uttered with the greatest bitterness about guizot's house, where an incident occurred that, whether intended or not, sealed the fate of the orleans dynasty. the people were pressing on the military, and in the confusion a man named lagrange stepped forward and shot the commanding officer. the troops then fired point blank into the dense mass, and many were killed. when the firing ceased, a funeral procession was rapidly formed, the bodies were collected and placed upon a large cart, their still bleeding wounds exposed under the glare of torchlight. the effect may be imagined: it thrilled the whole city with feelings of horror and revenge.

new barricades were now raised at the end of almost every street, and the astonished army, who had received no orders either to attack or retreat, remained passive spectators of the insurrection, a prey to emotions of terror and grief. at daybreak[551] on the 23rd paris was a vast battlefield. upon the barricades, hastily constructed of overturned omnibuses, carts, furniture, and large paving-stones, were seen glistening weapons of every size and form. "vengeance, vengeance, for the murders committed under the windows of guizot!" was the only cry. the people did not for a moment doubt that the deed was done by the order of that minister. their feelings were still more inflamed by the appointment of bugeaud. even at this moment, however, the king could with difficulty be brought to see his position. however, his eyes were opened at last, when too late, and a proclamation was issued announcing that barrot and thiers were charged by the king with the formation of a ministry; that the chamber would be dissolved; that general lamoricière was commander-in-chief of the national guard of paris, instead of bugeaud (whose appointment was cancelled); and concluding with the words, "liberté, ordre, union, réforme." barrot himself rode along the boulevards to explain the nature of the changes, but without effect. the people had lost all faith in the king; they would trust him no more; nothing would satisfy them but his dethronement. on the morning of the 24th of february the royal family were assembled in the gallery of maria, where breakfast was about to be served. at this moment it was announced to the king that the troops were quitting their ranks, and delivering up their arms to the people. the tuileries were now filled with deputies and functionaries of all parties and ranks, all bringing the same tidings, that the city was in possession of the insurgents; that the army had fraternised with the people; that the école polytechnique were behind the barricades; that the troops had delivered up their muskets and cartouches, and the revolution was everywhere triumphant. the fatal word, "abdication," was pronounced. the king faltered, but the heroic queen energetically resisted. but, while she spoke, the insurgents were attacking the last post which protected the tuileries. the fusillade which thundered in the place du carrousel reverberated in the chamber in which the king then stood, and already an armed multitude was entering the palace of the ancient kings of france. thereupon the king abdicated in favour of his young grandson, the count of paris, whom his mother, the duchess of orleans, presented to the chamber of deputies. it was, however, too late; the revolution had got the upper hand. the king and queen had escaped through the garden of the tuileries, and hastened to the gate which opens upon the place de la concorde. after various vicissitudes they arrived at honfleur at eight o'clock, on the 26th of february, and after many hairbreadth escapes and fruitless efforts to sail from trouville, they embarked on the 2nd of march at honfleur, for havre, among a crowd of ordinary passengers, with a passport made out in the name of william smith. there he was received by the english consul. he embarked in the express, which arrived at newhaven on the 3rd of march. the royal party reached claremont, and remained there, under the protection of queen victoria, whom he had not long since visited in regal pomp, and whom he had welcomed with parental affection at the chateau d'eu. such are the vicissitudes of human life! he died at claremont on the 26th of august, 1850, in the seventy-sixth year of his age.

the first proclamation issued by the provisional government was the following:—"a retrograde government has been overturned by the heroism of the people of paris. this government has fled, leaving behind it traces of blood, which will for ever forbid its return. the blood of the people has flowed, as in july; but, happily, it has not been shed in vain. it has secured a national and popular government, in accordance with the rights, the progress, and the will of this great and generous people. a provisional government, at the call of the people, and some deputies, in the sitting of the 24th of february, is for the moment invested with the care of organising and securing the national victory. it is composed of mm. dupont (de l'eure), lamartine, crémieux, arago, ledru rollin, and garnier pagès. the secretaries to this government are mm. armand marrast, louis blanc, and ferdinand flocon." scarcely had the ex-king found a resting-place on british soil than every vestige of royalty was obliterated in france.

the 25th was a day of extreme agitation among the surging masses of the paris population. the communistic party were struggling for ascendency, and for the establishment of the republic. an immense multitude thronged the square in front of the h?tel de ville, in such a state of excitement that lamartine was obliged to come out and address them from the windows five times. they were vociferous and imperative in their demand that the red flag should float over the hotel, instead of the tricolour, which they required to be pulled down. to this demand lamartine offered a courageous resistance, and by the magic[552] of his eloquence he succeeded in arresting the torrent of popular passion, and turning its course. the multitude unanimously expressed their enthusiasm in cheering and clapping of hands, and the orator was almost suffocated by the pressure of the crowd, and the efforts of the people to shake hands with him. on the 26th the provisional government sat again at the h?tel de ville, and proclaimed the result of their deliberations. it decreed the abolition of royalty, the proclamation of a republic, the establishment of national workshops for all who needed employment, and the abolition of the punishment of death for political offences. on the next day, which was sunday, an immense multitude assembled at the place de la bastille, and there, on the steps of the column of july, m. arago again proclaimed the republic in presence of the whole of the national guard. although the rain descended in torrents and the weather was boisterous, the people remained out of doors, and made the day a great festival, in honour of their victory. it was agreed that a constituent assembly should be chosen on the 9th of april, and should meet on the 20th; that the suffrage should be universal, and voting by ballot; that all frenchmen twenty-one years of age should be electors; that all frenchmen twenty-five years of age should be eligible; that the representatives should be 900 in number, and that each should be paid twenty-five francs a day during the session.

the army had declared for the republic; the clergy were passive; but the great difficulty was with the unemployed workmen of paris, to whom promises were made which it was utterly impossible to fulfil. the government undertook "to put an end to the long and iniquitous sufferings of workmen, and to give employment to every one, at good wages;" for which purpose a commission was appointed, whose president was m. louis blanc, and his vice-president m. albert, formerly a manufacturer, to whose name the word ouvrier was always attached. this commission fixed the time of labour as ten hours for all professions. one of the first fruits of its interference with the labour market was a demand that the british workmen should be expelled from the railways and different manufacturing establishments. in many places they had to fly for their lives, to escape the fury of the mob.

the national assembly commenced its sittings on the 4th of may in a temporary wooden structure erected for the purpose. one of its first acts was to pass a resolution—that the provisional government had deserved well of the country. but the revolutionary passions out of doors were far from being appeased. secret societies and clubs were actively at work, and on the 11th of may a placard appeared, citing a proclamation of the provisional government dated the 25th of february, in which it unwisely undertook "to guarantee labour for all the citizens," and proceeding thus:—"the promises made on the barricades not having been fulfilled, and the national assembly having refused, in its sitting on the 10th of may, to constitute a ministry of labour, the delegates of the luxembourg decline to assist at the fête called 'de la concorde.'" on the 15th of may the chamber was invaded by a body of men, carrying banners in their hands, and shouting for poland. the president put on his hat, and the assembly broke up. after a short time he returned. the national guard appeared in force, and quickly cleared the hall. after these measures were taken to suppress the counter-revolution, the assembly resumed its labours. a proclamation was issued, stating that the national guard, the garde mobile, all the forces in paris and the neighbourhood, had driven before them the insane conspirators, who concealed their plots against liberty under the pretence of zeal for poland.

the fête de la concorde took place on sunday, the 21st of may, and passed off without any attempt at disturbance. on the contrary, the people were in excellent humour, and everything upon the surface of society seemed in keeping with the object of the festivity. on the 26th the assembly decreed the perpetual banishment of louis philippe and his family, by a majority of 695 to 63. but the ex-king was not the only pretender who occupied the attention of the new government; a far more dangerous one was louis napoleon bonaparte, nephew of the emperor and then an exile in london. he had gone over to paris when the republic was proclaimed, but acting on the advice of the government, he quietly retired from the country. so potent, however, was still the charm that attached to the name of napoleon, that his heir was elected a member of the national assembly by no less than four constituencies. it was moreover discovered that money had been distributed in paris by his partisans; that placards in his favour were posted upon the walls, and cries of "vive napoleon!" resounded through the city. within four days, three journals had been established in paris preparing the way for the candidature of louis[553] napoleon as president. after a violent debate, it was resolved by a large majority that he should be permitted to take his seat as a representative. on the monday following paris was excited by a rumour that louis napoleon had arrived, and while lamartine was speaking in the assembly several shots were fired, one at the commandant of the national guard, another at an officer of the army, and this was done to the cry of "vive l'empereur napoleon!" "this," said lamartine, "is the first drop of blood that has stained our revolution; and if blood has now been shed, it has not been for liberty, but by military fanaticism, and in the name of an ambition sadly, if not voluntarily, mixed up with guilty man?uvres. when conspiracy is taken in flagrante delicto, with its hand dyed in french blood, the law should be voted by acclamation." he then proposed a decree, causing the law of banishment of 1832 against louis napoleon to be executed. it was voted by acclamation, the assembly rising in a body, and shouting, "vive la république!"

louis blanc.

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in the meantime, the ateliers nationaux, or government workshops, had, as might have been expected, miserably failed to answer their object, and the working classes were now in a state of great destitution and dangerous discontent. the number of persons employed in the national workshops had increased to 120,000; misery was extending to all classes of society; one half of paris was said to be feeding the other half, and it was expected that in a short time there would not be a single manufacture in operation in paris. it was therefore determined to reduce the number of workmen employed by the government, and the[554] reduction was begun by sending back 3,000 who had come from the provinces. but having passed the barrier, 400 returned, and sent a deputation to the executive committee at the palace of the luxembourg. the interview was unsatisfactory, and the deputation marched through the streets, shouting, "down with the executive commission! down with the assembly!" they were joined by great numbers, and it was soon discovered that an insurrection had been fully organised; and, although next morning the national guard appeared in great force in the streets, the people began to erect barricades at the porte st. denis, the porte st. martin, in the faubourg st. antoine, and in various other places. the government had, however, made effectual arrangements for putting down the riots; but the army, the national guard, and the garde mobile had to encounter the most desperate resistance. paris was declared by the assembly to be in a state of siege, and all the executive powers were delegated to general cavaignac. next day he was reinforced by large numbers of national guards from the provinces. sunday came, and the dreadful conflict still continued. in the evening of that day the president of the assembly announced that the troops of the republic were in possession of a great number of the strongholds of the insurgents, but at an immense loss of blood. never had anything like it been seen in paris. he hoped that all would that night be finished. this day (june 25th) was signalised by the murder of the archbishop of paris.

on the morning of the 26th the conflict was confined chiefly to the faubourg st. antoine and the greatest stronghold of the insurgents, the clos st. lazare. the barriers were built of paving stones of large size, and blocks of building-stone. all the houses commanding them were occupied by the insurgents. the city wall was perforated for a mile in length with loopholes, and from behind it a deadly fire upon the troops was kept up for two days by invisible enemies, who ran from loophole to loophole with the agility of monkeys. general lamoricière commanded here, and having ordered cannon and mortars, he made breaches in the barricades, and reduced many of the fortified houses to heaps of ruins. the faubourg st. antoine was surrounded by troops on all sides. the insurgents were summoned to surrender, and after some parleying, a flag of truce was sent forward, and they finally submitted, permitting the troops to take quiet possession of the district. general cavaignac at once announced the result to the president of the assembly, stating that the revolt was suppressed, that the struggle had completely ceased, and that he was ready to resign his dictatorship the moment the powers confided to him were found to be no longer necessary for the salvation of the public. he resigned accordingly, but he was placed at the head of the ministry, as president of the council. during this tremendous conflict between the red republicans and the guardians of society more than 300 barricades had been erected, 16,000 persons were killed and wounded, 8,000 prisoners were taken, and the loss to the nation by the insurrection was estimated at 30,000,000 francs.

the plan of a very liberal constitution was discussed for several days, and ultimately adopted. it is unnecessary here to describe in detail the principles of a constitution so short-lived. one of those principles led to its speedy destruction. it was, that the president of the republic should be chosen, not by the assembly, but by the nation at large. this was a very extraordinary course for the assembly to take, because they must have known that louis napoleon would be elected by universal suffrage; whereas their own choice would have fallen upon cavaignac. the following was the result of the voting:—louis napoleon, 5,434,226; cavaignac, 1,448,107; ledru rollin, 370,119; raspail, 36,900; lamartine, 17,910; changarnier, 4,790; votes lost, 12,600. on the 20th of december prince napoleon was proclaimed president of the french republic, in the national assembly, by the president, m. marrast, and took the oath required by the constitution.

all europe was astonished by the news of the french revolution. the successful insurrection of the working classes in paris—the flight of the king—the abolition of monarchy—the establishment of a republic, all the work of two or three days, were events so startling that the occupants of thrones might well stand aghast at their recital, and tremble for their own possessions. it would not have been surprising if the revolutionary spirit emanating from paris had, to a large extent, invaded great britain and ireland. the country had just passed through a fearful crisis; heavy sacrifices had been made by all classes to save the people from starvation; many families had been utterly ruined by gigantic failures, and there was still very general privation prevailing in all parts of the united kingdom. in such circumstances the masses are peculiarly liable to be excited against the government by ignorant or unprincipled agitators, who could easily persuade[555] them that their sufferings arose from misgovernment, and that matters could never go right till the people established their own sovereignty—till they abolished monarchy and aristocracy, and proclaimed a republic. the chartist agitation, though not formally proposing any such issue of the movement, had, nevertheless, familiarised the minds of the working classes with the idea of such a revolution. the points of their charter comprised vote by ballot, universal suffrage, annual parliaments, payment of the members, and the abolition of the property qualification. besides, the chartist leaders had been in the habit of holding what was called a national convention, which was a kind of parliament of their own, in which the leaders practised the art of government. the train was thus laid, and it seemed to require only a spark to ignite it; but a thick shower of sparks came from paris, as if a furnace had been emptied by a hurricane. it would have been almost miraculous if there had been no explosions of disaffection in great britain in such circumstances as these.

the first place that reeled under the electric shock of the french revolution was glasgow. on the 5th of march, in the afternoon, a body of 5,000 men suddenly assembled on the green in that city, tore up the iron railings for weapons, and thus formidably armed, they commenced an attack on the principal shops, chiefly those of gunsmiths and jewellers. the police, apprehending no outbreak of the kind, were scattered on their beats, and could afford no protection until forty shops had been pillaged and gutted, and property to the value of ￡10,000 carried off or destroyed. next morning about 10,000 persons assembled on the green, armed with muskets, swords, crowbars, and iron rails, and unanimously resolved—"to march immediately to the neighbouring suburb of calton, and turn out all the workers in the mills there, who, it was expected, would join them; to go from thence to the gas manufactory, and cut the pipes, so as to lay the city at night in darkness; to march next to the gaols and liberate all the prisoners; and to break open the shops, set fire to and plunder the city." they immediately set out for the calton mills, meeting on their way fourteen pensioners in charge of a prisoner. these they attempted to disarm, but the veterans fired, and two men fell dead. instantly the rioters raised the cry, "blood for blood!" and were wresting the muskets from the soldiers, when a squadron of cavalry galloped up with drawn swords. the people fell back, and the riot was suppressed. it afterwards transpired that the chartists in all the manufacturing towns of the west of scotland only awaited the signal of success from glasgow to break out in rebellion. the prompt suppression of the movement was therefore a matter of great importance.

for some time a monster petition to the house of commons was being signed by the chartists in all the towns throughout the united kingdom, and the signatures were said to have amounted to five millions. it was to be presented on the 10th of april. two hundred thousand men were to assemble on kennington common, and thence they were to march to westminster, to back up their petition. possibly they might force their way into the house of commons, overpower the members, and put mr. feargus o'connor in the speaker's chair. why might they not in this way effect a great revolution, like that which the working classes of paris had just accomplished? if the french national guard, and even the troops of the line, fraternised with the people, why should not the british army do likewise? such anticipations would not have been unreasonable if parliamentary and municipal reform had been up to this time resisted; if william iv. had been still upon the throne; if a guizot had been prime minister, and a york or a cumberland at the horse guards. the chartists, when they laid their revolutionary plans, must have forgotten the loyalty of the english people, and the popularity of the young queen. they could not have reflected that the duke of wellington had the command of the army; that he had a horror of riots; and that there was no man who knew better how to deal with them. besides, every one in power must have profited by the unpreparedness of the french authorities, and the fatal consequences of leaving the army without orders and guidance. all who were charged with the preservation of the peace in england were fully awake to the danger, and early on the alert to meet the emergency. on the 6th of april a notice was issued by the police commissioners, warning the chartists that the assemblage of large numbers of people, accompanied with circumstances tending to excite terror and alarm in the minds of her majesty's subjects, was criminal; and that, according to an act of the 13th of charles ii., no more than ten persons could approach the sovereign, or either house of parliament, on pretence of delivering petitions, complaints, or remonstrances; and that whereas information had been received that persons had been advised to procure arms and weapons to[556] carry in procession from kennington common to westminster, and whereas such proposed procession was calculated to excite terror in the minds of her majesty's subjects, all persons were strictly enjoined not to attend the meeting in question, or take part in the procession; and all well-disposed persons were called upon and required to aid in the enforcement of the law, and the suppression of any attempt at disturbance.

well-disposed people happily comprised the great mass of the population of all ranks and classes, who responded with alacrity to the appeal of the government for co-operation. great alarm was felt in the metropolis lest there should be street-fighting and plundering, and it might be said that society itself had taken effective measures for its own defence. the 10th of april, 1848, will be a day for ever remembered with pride by englishmen, and posterity will read of it with admiration. in the morning nothing unusual appeared in the streets, except that the shops were mostly closed, the roar of traffic was suspended, and an air of quiet pervaded the metropolis. no less than 170,000 men, from the highest nobility down to the humblest shopkeeper, had been enrolled and sworn as special constables—a great army of volunteers, who came forward spontaneously for the defence of the government. in every street these guardians of the peace might be seen pacing up and down upon their respective beats, and under their respective officers. among them was prince louis napoleon bonaparte, acting as a private, under the command of the earl of eglinton. no soldiers appeared in the streets; but, during the previous night, the duke of wellington had taken the most effective measures to prevent any violation of the peace. strong bodies of foot and horse police were placed at the ends of the bridges, over which the chartists must pass from kennington common to westminster, and these were assisted by large numbers of special constables, posted on the approaches at each side. and lest these should be overpowered by the chartists in attempting to force a passage, a strong force of military—horse, foot, and artillery—was kept concealed from view in the immediate neighbourhood. the public buildings were all occupied by troops and strongly fortified. two regiments of the line were stationed at millbank penitentiary. there were 1,200 infantry at the deptford dockyards. at the tower 30 pieces of heavy field ordnance were ready to be shipped by hired steamers to any spot where their services might be required. the public offices at the west-end, somerset house, and in the city, were occupied by troops and stored with arms. the bank of england was strongly fortified, sandbags being piled all round upon the roof, as parapets to protect the gunners, while the interior was filled with soldiers. there were also similar barricades to the windows, with loopholes for muskets. in the space of rose inn yard, at the end of farringdon street, a large body of troops was posted ready to move at a moment's notice, and another in the enclosure of bridewell prison. at several points immediately about kennington common, commanding the whole space, bodies of soldiers were placed out of view, but ready for instant action. the guards—horse and foot—were all under arms, in scotland yard and in other places.

in the meantime the chartists had made their preparations. the members of the national convention met early in the morning at its hall in john street, fitzroy square, and after this the members took their places in a great car, which had been prepared to convey them to the common. it was so large that the whole convention and all the reporters who attended it found easy accommodation—mr. feargus o'connor and mr. ernest jones sitting in the front rank. it was drawn by six fine horses. another car drawn by four horses contained the monster petition, with its enormous rolls of signatures. banners with chartist mottoes and devices floated over these imposing vehicles. the convention thus driven in state passed down holborn, over blackfriars bridge, and on to the common, attended by 1,700 chartists, marching in procession. this was only one detachment; others had started from finsbury square, russell square, clerkenwell green, and whitechapel. the largest body had mustered in the east, and passed over london bridge, numbering about 6,000. they all arrived at the common about ten o'clock, where considerable numbers had previously assembled; so the common appeared covered with human beings. in all monster meetings there are the widest possible differences in the estimates of the numbers. in this case they were set down variously at 15,000, 20,000, 50,000, and even 150,000. perhaps 30,000 was the real number present.

[557]

somerset house, london (river front).

[see larger version]

the great car which bore feargus o'connor and his fortunes was of course the central object of attraction. everything about it indicated that some great thing was going to happen, and all who could get within hearing of the speakers were anxiously waiting for the commencement of the proceedings. but there was something almost ludicrous in the mode of communication between the tremendous military power which occupied the metropolis, waiting the course of events, in the consciousness of irresistible strength, and the principal leader of the chartist convention. immediately after the two cars had taken their position, a police inspector, of gigantic proportions, with a jolly and good-humoured expression of countenance, was seen pressing through the crowd toward mr. o'connor. he was the bearer of a message from the police commissioners, politely desiring mr. o'connor's attendance for a few minutes at the horns tavern. mr. o'connor immediately alighted and followed the inspector, whose burly form made a lane through the mass of people as if he were passing through a field of tall wheat. murmurs were heard through the crowd. what could this mean? was their leader deserting, or was he a prisoner? a rush was made in the direction which they had taken, and it was said that their faces were blanched with fear, and that at one time they were almost fainting. protected by those who were near them, they reached mr. commissioner mayne in safety. the commissioner informed mr. o'connor that the government did not intend to interfere with the right of petitioning, properly exercised, nor with the right of public meeting; therefore they did not prevent the assemblage on the common; but if they attempted to return in procession, they would be stopped at all hazards; and that there were ample forces awaiting orders for the purpose. the meeting would be allowed to proceed, if mr. o'connor pledged himself that it would be conducted peaceably. he gave the pledge, shook hands with the commissioner, and returned to his place on the car. he immediately announced to his colleagues the result of his interview, and the whole demonstration collapsed as suddenly as a pierced balloon. some brief, fiery harangues were delivered to knots of puzzled listeners; but the meeting soon broke up in confusion. banners and flags were pulled down, and the monster petition was taken from the triumphal car, and packed up in three cabs, which were to convey it quietly to the house of commons. the masses then rolled back towards the thames, by no means pleased with the turn things had taken. at every bridge[558] they were stopped by the serried ranks of the police and the special constables. there was much pressing and struggling to force a passage, but all in vain. they were obliged to move off, but after a while they were permitted to pass in detached parties of not more than ten each. about three o'clock the flood of people had completely subsided. had the movement been successful to any extent, it would have been followed by insurrections in the provincial towns. early on the morning of the 10th the walls of the city of glasgow were found covered with a placard, calling upon the people, on receipt of the news from london, "to rise in their thousands and tens of thousands, and put an end to the vile government of the oligarchy which had so long oppressed the country." another placard was issued there, addressed to soldiers, and offering ￡10 and four acres of land to every one of them who should join the insurgents. strange to say, the printers' names were attached to both these treasonable proclamations. they were arrested, but not punished.

the history of the chartist petition was the most extraordinary part of this whole business. it was presented on the 10th of april, by mr. feargus o'connor, who stated that it was signed by 5,706,000 persons. it lay upon the floor of the house in five large divisions; the first sheet being detached, the prayer was read, and the messengers of the house rolled the enormous mass of parchment to the table. a day was appointed to take its prayer into consideration; but in the meantime it was subjected to investigation, and on the 13th of april mr. thornley brought up a special report from the select committee on public petitions, which contained the most astounding revelations. instead of weighing five tons, as mr. o'connor alleged, it weighed 5? cwt. the signatures were all counted by thirteen law-stationers' clerks, in addition to those usually employed in the house, who devoted seventeen hours to the work, and the number of signatures was found to be only 1,975,496, instead of nearly 6,000,000. whole consecutive sheets were filled with names in the same handwriting; and amongst the signatures were "victoria rex," prince albert, the duke of wellington, sir robert peel, lord john russell, etc. the duke of wellington's name was written thirty times, and colonel sibthorpe's twelve times. some of the signatures were not names at all—such as "no cheese," "pug nose," "flat nose," etc. there were also many insertions so indecent that they could not be repeated by the committee.

the london chartists contrived to hold their meetings and to march in procession; and as this sometimes occurred at night, accompanied by the firing of shots, it was a source of alarm to the public. there were confederate clubs established, consisting chiefly of irishmen, who fraternised with the english chartists. on the 31st of may they held a great meeting on clerkenwell green. there, after hearing some violent speeches, the men got the word of command to fall in and march, and the crowd formed rapidly into columns four abreast. in this order they marched to finsbury square, where they met another large body, with which they united, both forming into new columns twelve abreast, and thus they paced the square with measured military tread for about an hour. thence they marched to stepney, where they received further accessions, from that to smithfield, up holborn, queen street, and long acre, and on through leicester square to trafalgar square. here the police interfered, and they were gradually dispersed. this occurred on monday. on tuesday night they assembled again at clerkenwell green, but were dispersed by a large body of horse and foot police. there was to be another great demonstration on wednesday, but the police authorities issued a cautionary notice, and made effectual arrangements for the dispersion of the meeting. squadrons of horse guards were posted in clerkenwell and finsbury, and precautions were taken to prevent the threatened breaking of the gas and water mains. the special constables were again partially put in requisition, and 5,000 of the police force were ready to be concentrated upon any point, while the whole of the fire brigade were placed on duty. these measures had the effect of preventing the assembly. similar attempts were made in several of the manufacturing towns, but they were easily suppressed. in june, however, the disturbances were again renewed in london. on whit monday, the 4th, there was to be a great gathering of chartists in bonner's fields, but the ground was occupied early in the morning by 1,600 policemen, 500 pensioners, and 100 constables mounted. there was also a body of horse guards in the neighbourhood. up to the hour of two o'clock the leaders of the movement did not appear, and soon after a tremendous thunderstorm accompanied by drenching rain, caused the dispersion of all the idlers who came to witness the display. ten persons were arrested on the ground, and tried and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

it was thought time to put a stop to such[559] proceedings, and several of the leaders were arrested, namely, messrs. ernest jones, john fussell, j. williams, a. sharpe, and y. vernon. they were committed for sedition, but bail was accepted. at ashton-under-lyne, birmingham, liverpool, and other places, chartist and confederate disturbances took place. the police hunted up their leaders, and in some towns seized the papers of the clubs as well as the pikes and fire-arms which they had concealed. there had, in fact, been an extensively ramified conspiracy, the headquarters of which were in the metropolis. on the 11th of august the police, acting upon information they had received, assembled at the station in tower street, 700 strong, and suddenly marched to the angel tavern in webber street, blackfriars. surrounding the house, inspector butt entered, and found fourteen chartist leaders in deliberation. in a few minutes they were all quietly secured, and marched to tower street. on searching the place the police found pistols loaded to the muzzle, swords, pikes, daggers, and spear-heads, also large quantities of ammunition. upon one man were found seventy-five rounds of ball cartridge. some of the prisoners wore iron breastplates. similar visits were paid to houses in great ormond street, holborn, and york street, westminster, with like results. in the last place the party got notice and dispersed before the police arrived. one man, leaping out of a window, broke his leg. tow-balls were found amongst them; and from this and other circumstances it was believed they intended to fire the public buildings and to attack the police in every part of london. the whole of the military quartered in london were under arms on the night of the threatened attack, and an unbroken line of communication was kept up between the military and the different bodies of police. twenty-five of the leaders were committed for felony, bail being refused; their principal leader being a man named cuffey.

the chartist trials took place at the september sessions of the central criminal court. the facts disclosed on the trial revealed, to a larger extent than is usual in such cases, how completely the men who are betrayed into such conspiracies are at the mercy of miscreants who incite them to crime for their own base purposes. the witnesses against cuffey and others of the chartists were all voluntary spies—the chief of whom was a person named powell—who joined the confederacy, aided in its organisation, and had themselves appointed "presidents" and "generals," with the sole purpose of betraying their dupes, in order that they might be rewarded as informers, or, at all events, well paid as witnesses. it was probably by those double traitors that the simultaneous meetings of the clubs were arranged, so that the police might seize them all at the same time. the trial lasted the entire week. on saturday the jury returned a verdict of "guilty" against all the prisoners. the sentence was transportation for life. others were indicted for misdemeanour only, and were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, with fines. about a score of the minor offenders were allowed to plead not guilty, and let out on their own recognisances. and so ended chartism.