prosperity of the manufacturers—depression of agriculture—resumption of cash payments—a restricted currency—the budget of 1823—mr. huskisson—change of the navigation acts—budget of 1824—removal of the duties on wool and silk—repeal of the spitalfields act and the combination laws—speculative mania—the crash—remedial measures of the government—riots and machine-breaking—temporary change in the corn laws—emigration—state of ireland—efforts of lord wellesley—condition of the peasantry—unlawful societies—the bottle riot—failure to obtain the conviction of the rioters—the tithe commutation act—revival of the catholic question—peel's views—the catholic association and its objects—bill for its suppression—plunket's speech—a new association formed—rejection of burdett's resolution—fears of the moderates—general election—its features—inquiry into the bubble companies—death of the duke of york—canning's vigorous policy in portugal—weakness of the ministry and illness of liverpool—who was to be his successor?—canning's difficulties—peel and the old tories resign—state of canning's health—his arrangements completed—opposition to him—his illness and death—collapse of the goderich ministry—wellington forms an administration—eldon is omitted—the battle of navarino—"the untoward event"—resignation of the canningites—grievances of the dissenters—lord john russell's motion for the repeal of the test and corporation acts—peel's reply—progress of the measure—lord eldon's opposition—public rejoicings.

the year 1823 opened auspiciously, and continued to exhibit unequivocal marks of progressive prosperity. every branch of manufacturing industry was in a flourishing state. the cotton trade was unusually brisk. there was a considerable increase in the quantity of silks and woollens manufactured; and in consequence of augmenting exportation, the demand for hardware and cutlery was quickened from the state of stagnation in which it had remained since the conclusion of the war. the shipping interest, which had been greatly depressed, fully shared in the general improvement. the agriculturists, however, were still embarrassed and discontented. in january no less than sixteen english counties had sent requisitions to their sheriffs to call meetings to consider the causes of their distresses. the principal remedies proposed were reduction of taxation; reform of the house of commons; depreciation of the currency; commutation of tithes; and appropriation of the redundant wealth of the church to public exigencies. at the norwich meeting a series of resolutions was proposed and seconded by the gentry of the county, but they were rejected and put aside on the motion of mr. cobbett, who read a petition which was adopted with acclamation. it recommended an appropriation of part of the church property to the payment of the public debt; a reduction of the standing army; an abolition of sinecures and undeserved pensions; the sale of the crown lands; an equitable adjustment of contracts; the suspension of all legal processes for one year for the recovery of rents and tithes; and the repeal of the taxes on malt, soap, leather, hops, and candles.

the distress which had pressed so severely on the people, and which had set them thinking about the most perilous political changes, was intimately connected with the state of the country. throughout the troubled period of almost incessant war and lavish expenditure between 1797 and 1815, the business of the nation was carried on with an inconvertible paper currency, the precious metals having nearly all departed from the country. bank notes were issued in such quantities, to meet the exigencies of the government, that the prices of all commodities were nearly doubled. the bill which was passed in 1819 providing for the resumption of cash payments had reduced the currency from ￡48,278,070, which was its amount in 1819, to ￡26,588,000, in 1822. the consequence was the reduction of prices in the meantime, at the rate of fifty per cent., in all the articles of production and commerce. with this tremendous fall of prices, the amount of liabilities remained unchanged; rents, taxes, and encumbrances were to be paid according to the letter of the contract, while the produce and commodities—the sale of which was relied upon to pay them—did not produce more than half the amount that they would have brought at the time of the contracts. the evil of this sudden change was aggravated by the south american revolution, in consequence of which the annual supply of the precious metals was reduced to a third of its former amount. it was peculiarly unfortunate that this stoppage in the supply of gold and silver occurred at the very time that the legislature had adopted the principle that paper currency should be regarded as strictly representing gold, and should be at any moment convertible into sovereigns. a paper currency should never be allowed[238] to exceed the available property which it represents, but it is not necessary that its equivalent in gold should be lying idle in the coffers of the bank, ready to be paid out at any moment the public should be seized with a foolish panic. it is enough that the credit of the state should be pledged for the value of the notes, and that credit should not be strained beyond the resources at its command. the close of 1822 formed the turning-point in the industrial condition of the country. the extreme cheapness of provisions, after three years of comparative privation, enabled those engaged in manufacturing pursuits to purchase many commodities which they had hitherto not been able to afford. this caused a gradual revival of trade, which was greatly stimulated by the opening of new markets for our goods, especially in south america, to which our exports were nearly trebled in value between 1818 and 1823, when the independence of the south american republics had been established. the confidence of the commercial world was reassured by the conviction that south america would prove an unfailing dorado for the supply of the precious metals. the bankers, therefore, became more accommodating; the spirit of enterprise again took possession of the national mind, and there was a general expansion of industry by means of a freer use of capital, which gave employment and contentment to the people. this effect was materially promoted by the small note bill which was passed in july, 1822, extending for ten years longer the period during which small notes were to be issued; its termination having been fixed by peel's bill for 1823. the average of bank-notes in circulation in 1822 was ￡17,862,890. in november of the following year it had increased by nearly two millions. the effect of this extension of the small note circulation upon prices was remarkable. wheat rose from 38s. to 52s., and in 1824 it mounted up to 64s. in the meantime the bullion in the bank of england increased so much that whereas in 1819 it had been only ￡3,595,360, in january, 1824, it amounted to ￡14,200,000. the effect of all these causes combined was the commencement of a reign of national prosperity, which burst upon the country like a brilliant morning sun, chasing away the chilling fogs of despondency, and dissipating the gloom in the popular mind.

on the 12th of february, 1823, the president of the board of trade said, in his place in parliament:—"the general exports of the country in the four years from 1815 to 1819 had decreased ￡14,000,000 in official value; and he took the official value in preference to the declared, because it was from the quantity of goods produced that the best measure was derived of the employment afforded to the different classes of the community. in the year from the 5th of january, 1819, to the 5th of january, 1820, the exports of the country fell off no less than ￡11,000,000; and in looking at that part of it which more completely embraced british or irish manufacture, he found that the difference in four years was ￡8,414,711; and that in the year from the 5th of january, 1820, to the 5th of january, 1821, there was a decrease of ￡8,929,629. nobody, therefore, could be surprised that, at that period, the industry of the country appeared to be in a state of the utmost depression; that our manufacturers were most of them unemployed; that our agriculturists were many of them embarrassed; and that the country, to use the phrase of a friend of his in presenting a petition from the merchants of london, 'exhibited all the appearances of a dying nation.' though the condition of the agricultural interest was not as favourable as he could wish, still it was most satisfactory for him to state that not only did the exports of last year [1822] exceed those of all the years to which he had been alluding, but also those of the most flourishing year which had occurred during the continuance of the war. in all material articles there had been a considerable increase. the export of cotton had increased ten per cent., and hardware seventeen per cent.; of linens twelve per cent., and of woollens thirteen per cent.; and the aggregate exports of 1822 exceeded those of 1820 by twenty per cent., and of 1821 by seven per cent., notwithstanding a deduction was to be made from the exports of one great article, sugar, owing to a prohibitory decree of russia, amounting to thirty-five per cent." the result of this prosperous state of things was that, in 1823, the new chancellor of the exchequer was enabled to present the best and most popular budget that had been laid before parliament for many years, remitting a large amount of taxes that had pressed most heavily on the springs of industry, and inflicted the greatest amount of inconvenience and privation upon the people. the revenue of the nation in that year was ￡57,000,000, and the expenditure was estimated at ￡49,672,999, leaving a surplus of upwards of ￡7,000,000. of this surplus, ￡5,000,000 was set aside for the reduction of the national debt, and the remainder for the remission of taxes. as the assessed taxes were most oppressive, they were reduced fifty per[239] cent., a reduction which was estimated on the window tax alone at ￡1,205,000. on the whole, the assessed taxes were reduced by ￡2,200,000. this included ￡100,000, the total amount of assessed taxes in ireland. in england the whole of the window tax was removed from the ground floors of shops and warehouses.

in 1823 we behold the starting-point of the liberal system of commercial policy, for which not only england, but all the world, is so much indebted—the rivulet which gradually expanded into a mighty river bearing incalculable blessings upon its bosom to every nation under heaven. the appointment of mr. huskisson as a member of the government was an immense advantage to the nation. he was a man of great abilities, which he had perseveringly devoted to the study of political economy. he was a complete master of all subjects in which statistics were involved, and was universally looked up to as the highest authority on all financial and commercial questions. as president of the board of trade he had ample opportunities of turning his knowledge to account, and to him is mainly due the initiation and direction of the course of commercial policy which a quarter of a century later issued in the complete triumph of free trade. mr. huskisson was not only intimately acquainted with the whole range of economic, financial, and mercantile subjects, in their details as well as in their principles, he was also a powerful debater, a sound reasoner, and was animated in all he did by a spirit of generous philanthropy. at the same time it is only just to point out that he did but carry out the policy of mr. wallace, the vice-president of the board of trade, a statesman whose name is almost forgotten.

a law in force since the time of cromwell had provided that no merchandise from asia, africa, or america should be imported into great britain in any foreign ships; and not only the commander, but three-fourths of the crew, were required to be english. in addition to this restriction of our foreign commerce to english-built and english-manned ships, discriminating duties were imposed upon foreign ships from europe, which had to pay more heavily than if the goods were imported under the british flag. the object of this system, which prevailed for one hundred and fifty years, was to maintain the ascendency of britain as a maritime power. adam smith remarks that the navigation act may have proceeded from national rivalry and animosity towards holland; but he held that its provisions were as beneficial as if they had been dictated by the most consummate wisdom. he admits, however, that they were not favourable to foreign commerce, or to the growth of that opulence that can arise from it, remarking, "as defence is of more value than opulence, the act of navigation is perhaps the wisest of all the commercial regulations of england." but had adam smith lived later on, he would have seen that the utmost freedom of commerce with foreign nations, and the most boundless opulence arising from it, are quite compatible with a perfect system of national defence; and whatever were the advantages of the restrictive system, other nations could act upon it as well as england. america did so, and thus commenced a war of tariffs equally injurious to herself and the mother country, causing the people of each to pay much more for most of the commodities they needed than they would have done if the markets of the world were open to them. the consequence was that both parties saw the folly of sending their ships across the atlantic in ballast, and a commercial treaty was concluded in 1815, which put the shipping of both america and england upon an equal footing, and relieved them from the necessity of paying double freight. the reciprocity system was also partially adopted in our commerce with other countries. in 1822 mr. wallace had brought in four bills, which made other important alterations. the 3 george iv., cap. 41, repealed certain statutes relating to foreign commerce which were passed before the navigation act. another act (cap. 42) repealed that part of the navigation act itself which required that goods of the growth or manufacture of asia, africa, and america should only be imported in british ships; and that no goods of foreign growth or manufacture should be brought from europe, except from the place of their production, and in the ships of the country producing them. the next enactment prescribed certain specified goods to be brought to great britain from any port in europe, in ships belonging to the ports of shipment. two other acts further extended freedom of commerce, and removed the vexatious restrictions that had hampered our colonial and coasting trade. in 1823 prussia retaliated, as the united states had done, which led mr. huskisson to propose what are called the reciprocity acts, 4 george iv., cap. 77, and 5 george iv., cap. 1, which empowered the king, by order in council, to authorise the importation and exportation of goods in foreign ships from the united kingdom, or from any other of his majesty's dominions, on the same terms as in[240] british ships, provided it should first be proved to his majesty and the privy council that the foreign country in whose favour the order was made had placed british ships in its ports on the same footing as its own ships. these enactments proved an immense advantage to the people of the nations affected by them, and satisfied all parties but the ship-owners, who cried out loudly that their interest was ruined. but their complaints were altogether unfounded, as will appear from the following figures. under the restrictive system, from 1804 to 1823, the tonnage of british shipping had increased only ten per cent. under the reciprocity acts and the free trade system, from 1823 to 1845, the increase rose to forty-five per cent. this result fully bore out the calculations and anticipations of mr. huskisson, in his answer to the arguments of the protectionists.

the admiralty, london.

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some remarkable commercial reforms were introduced by robinson and huskisson in 1824. in the previous year the chancellor of the exchequer was able to boast of a very large surplus, and this year he had a surplus of ￡1,050,000. part of it was devoted to the repair and embellishment of windsor castle; ￡40,000 were devoted towards the erection of rooms for the reception of the library of george iii., which was presented to the british museum by his successor, whose gift, however, was somewhat discounted by the fact that he was with difficulty dissuaded from selling the collection. with ￡57,000 government purchased angerstein's collection of pictures, which became the nucleus of the national gallery. but the main object of the budget was not expenditure but economy. the four per cents. were redeemed or exchanged for three-and-a-half per cent. stock, and a death-blow was given to the old system of bounties by a reduction of that on the herring fishery and the immediate cessation of that on inferior kinds of linen, while that on the higher class of linen was annually decreased ten per cent. there was further a reduction of the duties on rum and coals, with the result, as robinson prophesied, that lower prices considerably increased the consumption. his greatest innovations, however, concerned the wool and silk trades. in the former there prevailed a great conflict of interests. the agriculturists[241] wished for the prohibition of foreign wool; the manufacturers desired the retention of an export duty, together with free importation. the judicious chancellor effected a compromise by which the duty on foreign wool was reduced from 6d. to 1d. per pound, while the exportation of english wool was sanctioned on a similar duty. the fear of a large exportation of english wool proved so groundless that by 1826 only 100,000 pounds in weight had been exported, while 40,000,000 pounds of foreign wool had been introduced.

george iii.'s library, british museum.

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in much the same way the silk industry had been protected by prohibitory legislation, of which the only effect was to convert smuggling into an important trade. again, the manufacturers petitioned for the removal of the duties upon spun silk, but were eager to exclude foreign manufactured silks. on the other hand, the silk spinners were opposed to the introduction of spun silk, but desired the removal of duties upon raw silk, while the journeymen believed that ruin stared them in the face if foreign manufactured silks were introduced. robinson, with huskisson's assistance, decided to admit foreign silk on an ad valorem duty of 30 per cent. at the same time he largely reduced the duties on the raw material. the duty on indian silk was reduced from 4s. to 3d., that on chinese and italian silks from 5s. 6d. to 6d., that on organzine from 14s. 10d. to 7s. 6d. a pound. the manufacturers vowed and protested that they were ruined; in ten years' time they were exporting to france, their former rival, ￡60,000 worth of manufactured silk.

high duties were not the only evils that had been strangling the silk trade. its chief seat was at spitalfields, where by the act of 1811 and other legislation the magistrates had been empowered to fix the rate of wages, and to subject to severe penalties any masters who employed weavers in other districts. the result, said a manufacturers' petition in 1823, is, "that the removal of the entire manufacture from the metropolis is inevitable, if the acts are to continue any longer in force." however, the journeymen declared that a repeal of the acts would be followed by the reduction of their wages and the increase of the poor rates. no less than 11,000 petitioned against huskisson's motion for a repeal, and,[242] though the bill passed the house of commons by small majorities, it was so altered by amendments in the lords that it was abandoned for the session. but in this remarkable session of 1824 it was reintroduced and passed through all its stages. as a result the combination acts directed against meetings of workmen to affect wages, the acts which prevented the emigration of artisans, and the laws against the exportation of machinery were brought under discussion by joseph hume. the last question was waived for the present, but the laws interfering with the emigration of artisans were repealed without a voice being raised in their favour. as for the combination acts, it was ordained that no peaceable meeting of masters or workmen should be prosecuted as a conspiracy, while summary punishments were enacted on those "who by threats, intimidation, or acts of violence interfered with that freedom, which ought to be allowed to each party, of employing his labour or capital in a manner he may deem most advantageous." in consequence, however, of the outrages which occurred during the glasgow strikes of 1824, during which a workman who disregarded the wishes of his union was shot, and men of one trade were employed to assassinate the masters of another, further legislation was necessary. by the act of 1825 all associations were made illegal, excepting those for settling such amount of wages as would be a fair remuneration to the workman. any other combination either of men against masters or of masters against men, or of working men against working men, was made illegal. the law thus framed continued to regulate the relations of capital and labour for nearly half a century.

of course, the commercial changes introduced by mr. huskisson and mr. robinson excited loud murmurs of dissatisfaction from the interests affected, especially the shipping interest. but the best answer to objectors was the continuously flourishing state of the country. at the opening of the session in 1825, lord dudley and ward, in moving the address in answer to the king's speech in the upper house, observed:—"our present prosperity is a prosperity extending to all orders, all professions, and all districts, enhanced and invigorated by the flourishing state of all those arts which minister to human comfort, and those inventions by which man obtains a mastery over nature by the application of her own powers, and which, if one had ventured to foretell a few years ago, it would have appeared almost incredible." this happy state of things was the result of a legitimate expansion of trade. manufacturers and merchants were at first guided by a spirit of sober calculation. the steady advance in the public securities, and in the value of property of all sorts, showed that the national wealth rested upon a solid basis. the extension of the currency kept pace with the development of trade and commerce, and the circulation of bankers' paper was enormously increased. but out of the national prosperity there arose a spirit of rash speculation and adventure, resulting in a monetary crisis. the issue of notes by country banks was under no restriction; no measures were taken to secure that their paper represented property, and could be redeemed if necessary. there were hundreds of bankers in the provinces who could issue any quantity of notes they pleased, and these passed as cash from hand to hand. the spirit of speculation and enterprise was stimulated to a feverish degree of excitement by the recognition of the states of colombia, mexico, and buenos ayres, formally announced in the king's speech on the 3rd of february, which said that treaties of commerce had been made with those new states. the rich districts of south america being thus thrown open, there was a rush of capitalists and adventurers to work its inexhaustible mines. a number of companies was formed for the purpose, and the gains of some of them in a few months amounted to fifteen hundred per cent. the result was a mania of speculation, which seized upon all classes, pervaded all ranks, and threw the most sober and quiet members of society into a state of tumultuous excitement. joint-stock companies almost innumerable were established, to accomplish all sorts of undertakings. there were thirty-three companies for making canals and docks, forty-eight for making railroads, forty-two for gas, twenty insurance companies, twenty-three banking companies, twelve navigation packet companies, five indigo and sugar companies, thirty-four metal companies, and many others. the amount of capital subscribed in these various companies, which numbered two hundred and seventy-six, was upwards of ￡174,000,000. in connection with south america there was the anglo-mexican company, the brazilian, the colombian, real de monte, and the united mexican. on the south american shares only ten pounds each had been paid, except the real de monte, on which ￡70 had been paid. we may judge of the extent to which gambling speculation was carried from the following statement of the market prices of the shares, in five of the principal mining companies[243], at two periods, december 10th, 1824, and january 11th, 1825:—

december 10th. january 11th.

￡ s. d. ￡ s. d.

anglo-mexican 33 0 0 158 0 0

brazilian 0 10 0 66 0 0

colombian 19 0 0 82 0 0

real de monte 550 0 0 1,350 0 0

united mexican 35 0 0 1,550 0 0

in the course of this commercial madness the imports greatly exceeded the exports, and there was consequently a rapid drain of specie from the country. the drain of bullion from the bank of england was immense. in august, 1823, it had ￡12,658,240, which in august, 1825, was reduced to ￡3,634,320, and before the end of the year it ran as low as ￡1,027,000. between july, 1824, and august, 1825, twelve millions of cash were exported from great britain, chiefly to south america. during the revolutionary war, which had lasted for fourteen years, the capital of the country had been completely exhausted, while all productive labour had been abandoned. the unworked mines were filled with water. they were accessible, it is true, to english speculators, but they were worked exclusively with english capital. the south american mining companies were so many conduits through which a rapid stream of gold flowed from great britain. the catastrophe that followed took the commercial world by surprise; even the chancellor of the exchequer failed to anticipate the disaster. on the contrary, his budget of 1825 was based upon the most sanguine expectations for the future, and on the assurance that the public prosperity was the very reverse of what was ephemeral and peculiar, and that it arose from something inherent in the nation. even at the prorogation of parliament in july, the royal speech referred to the "great and growing" prosperity on which his majesty had the happiness of congratulating the country at the beginning of the session. the commercial crisis, however, with widespread ruin in its train, was fast coming upon britain. vast importations, intended to meet an undiminished demand at high prices, glutted all the markets, and caused prices to fall rapidly. merchants sought accommodation from their bankers to meet pressing liabilities, that they might be enabled to hold over their goods till prices rallied. this accommodation the bankers were unable to afford, and sales were therefore effected at a ruinous loss. the south american mines, it was found, could not be worked at a profit, and they made no return for the twenty million pounds of british money which they had swallowed up. the effect was a sudden contraction of the currency, and a general stoppage of banking accommodation. the country banks, whose issues had risen to ￡14,000,000, were run upon till their specie was exhausted, and many of them were obliged to stop payment. the plymouth bank was the first to fail, and in the next three weeks seventy banks followed in rapid succession. the london houses were besieged from morning to night by clamorous crowds, all demanding gold for their notes. consternation spread through all classes. there was a universal pressure of creditors upon debtors, the banks that survived being themselves upon the edge of the precipice; and the bank of england itself, pushed to the last extremity, peremptorily refused accommodation even to their best customers. persons worth one hundred thousand pounds could not command one hundred pounds; money seemed to have taken to itself wings and fled away, reducing a state of society in the highest degree artificial almost to the condition of primitive barbarism, which led mr. huskisson to exclaim, "we were within twenty-four hours of barter."

it is impossible to conceive the extent of suffering and desolation inflicted upon society, almost every family being involved, more or less, in the general calamity. flourishing firms were bankrupt, opulent merchants impoverished, the masses of working people suddenly thrown out of employment, and reduced to destitution; and all from causes with which the majority had nothing to do—causes that could have been prevented by a proper monetary system. if bank of england notes had been a legal tender, to all intents and purposes supplying the place of gold as currency; if these notes had been supplied to the country banks in any quantities they required, ample security being taken to have assets equal to their respective issues, then the currency would have had an elastic, self-adjusting power, expanding or contracting according to the requirements of commerce. inordinate speculation would not have been stimulated by a reckless system of credit, and business would have been conducted in a moderate and judicious manner, instead of rushing on at a high pressure that rendered a crash inevitable. the government, after anxious and repeated deliberations, supplied a remedy on this principle. they determined to issue one-pound and two-pound notes of the bank of england, for country circulation, to any amount required. in the meantime the mint was set to work with all its resources in the coining of sovereigns[244], which, for the course of a week, were thrown off at the rate of 150,000 a day. the notes could not be manufactured fast enough to meet the enormous demand for carrying on the business of the country. in this dilemma the bank was relieved by a most fortunate discovery—a box containing ￡700,000, in one- and two-pound notes that had been retired, but which were at once put into circulation. the people having thus got notes with government security, the panic subsided, and the demand for gold gradually ceased. the restoration of confidence was aided by resolutions passed at a meeting of bankers and merchants in the city of london, declaring that the unprecedented embarrassments and difficulties under which the circulation of the country laboured were mainly to be ascribed to a general panic, for which there were no reasonable grounds; that they had the fullest confidence in the means and substance of the banking establishments of the capital and the country; that returning confidence would remove all the symptoms of distress caused by the alarms of the timid, so fatal to those who were forced to sacrifice their property to meet unexpected demands. the new measures so promptly adopted and so vigorously carried into effect, raised the circulation of the bank of england notes in three weeks from ￡17,477,290 to ￡25,611,800. thus the regular and healthful action of the monetary system was restored by an adequate circulation of paper money, on government security, without specie to sustain it. there were at the time of the crash 770 country bankers; 63 stopped payment, 23 of them having subsequently resumed business, and paid twenty shillings in the pound; and even those that were not able to resume, paid an average of seventeen shillings and sixpence in the pound. it was estimated that the total loss to the country by this panic was one hundred million pounds.

such a tremendous crash in the commercial world could not have occurred without involving the working classes in the deepest distress. in order fully to understand all that society has gained by the instruction of the people, by extending to them the blessings of education, and especially by the diffusion of useful knowledge through the medium of cheap literature, we have only to read the records of popular disturbance and destructive violence which occurred in 1825 and 1826. in the august of the former year there was a combination of seamen against the shipowners at sunderland; and on one occasion there was a riot, when a mob of some hundreds flung the crew of a collier into the sea. they were rescued from drowning, but, the military having fired on the rioters, five persons were killed. their funeral was made the occasion of a great popular demonstration. there was a procession with flags, and a band of singers, twelve hundred seamen walking hand in hand, each with crape round the left arm. in the isle of man the people rose against the tithing of their potatoes, and were quieted only by the assurance that the tithe would not be demanded of them, either that year or at any future time. in the spring of 1826 the operatives of lancashire rose up in open war against the power-looms, the main cause of the marvellous prosperity that has since so largely contributed to the wealth of england. they believed that the power-looms were the cause of their distress, and in one day every power-loom in blackburn, and within six miles of it, was smashed; the spinning machinery having been carefully preserved, though at one time the spinning jennies were as obnoxious as the power-looms. the work of destruction was not confined to one town or neighbourhood. the mob proceeded from town to town, wrecking mill after mill, seizing upon bread in the bakers' shops, and regaling themselves freely in public-houses. they paraded the streets in formidable numbers, armed with whatever weapons they could lay hands on—scythes, sledge-hammers, and long knives. they resisted the troops fiercely, showering upon them stones and other missiles. the troops, in their turn, fired upon the crowds, and when they were dispersed the streets were stained with blood, the mob carrying away their wounded into the fields. in one week no less than a thousand power-looms were destroyed, valued at thirty thousand pounds. in manchester the mob broke the windows of the shops. at carlisle, norwich, trowbridge, and other places in england, similar lawless proceedings occurred. even in glasgow the blame of the general distress was thrown upon the machinery, not only by the ignorant operatives, but by the gentry and the magistrates. in dublin the silk-weavers marched through the streets, to exhibit their wretchedness.

the distress was greatly aggravated, and spread over the whole country, by the extraordinary drought which prevailed in the summer of 1826. the richest meadows were burnt up. the stunted grain crops were only a few inches in height. the cattle, and even the deer in noblemen's parks, died from thirst. the people sat up all night to watch the springs, waiting for their turn to be[245] supplied. water was retailed in small quantities, and sold like beer. those who occupied the more favoured districts sent jars of fresh water to their friends in other places, as most acceptable presents. in the midst of all this scarcity and suffering the corn laws stopped the supplies of provisions from abroad, which were ready to be poured in in any quantities. bills had been passed with great difficulty through parliament, to enable government to relax the restrictions of the corn laws, in order to meet the emergency. but so clogged were those enactments with conditions, that in autumn ministers were obliged to anticipate their operation by opening the ports, trusting to the legislature for an indemnity. it is melancholy to reflect upon the perplexities and miseries in which the country was involved through the mistaken views of the landed interest, then predominant in parliament.

scene in dublin: painting king william black. (see p. 247.)

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one important result of this terrible distress was to force on emigration to a large extent, and thus to people the american states. emigration at that time was without any guidance, and the result was a vast amount of disappointment and suffering among the emigrants. consequently, mr. wilmot horton moved for a select committee to inquire into the expediency of encouraging emigration from the united kingdom. the committee was appointed, and presented its report and evidence before the dissolution of parliament, with a recommendation that the subject should be pursued without loss of time.

lord redesdale in a letter to lord eldon, written in 1821, soon after the king's visit, gave expression to some important truths about the government of ireland. "ministers," he said, "have fancied that ireland would do better without a lord-lieutenant, and some of them have called his office a useless pageant, but under the present circumstances they would govern the colonies as well without governors as they can govern ireland without that pageant. if the pageant is useless, it is because they make it useless, because they give him a secretary to thwart him, or to be a viceroy over him. the office of lord-lieutenant requires, in my opinion, a considerable portion of ability, sound judgment, discretion, firmness, good temper, and conciliating[246] manners. such a lord-lieutenant ought to be supreme. if ministers think fit to appoint to such an office a man wholly unqualified for it, they must put him in leading-strings, and give him a secretary with all the qualities the lord-lieutenant ought to have; and, moreover, with a disposition to conceal rather than display his power over his superior—to lead, and not to command, the lord-lieutenant. in england the machine goes on almost of itself, and therefore a bad driver may manage it tolerably well. it is not so in ireland. the country requires great exertion to bring it into a state of order and submission to law. the whole population—high and low, rich and poor, catholic and protestant—must all be brought to obedience to law; all must be taught to look up to the law for protection. the gentry are ready enough to attend grand juries, to obtain presentments for their own benefit, but they desert the quarter-sessions of the peace. the first act of a constable in arrest must not be to knock down the prisoner; and many, many reforms must be made, which only can be effected by a judicious and able government on the spot. ireland, in its present state, cannot be governed in england. if insubordination compels you to give, how are you to retain by law what you propose to maintain while insubordination remains? it can only be by establishing completely the empire of the law."

the marquis wellesley was sent over to ireland by lord liverpool in order to govern ireland upon this principle; and he might have succeeded better if he had not been checked by mr. goulburn, the chief secretary, distinguished by his hostility to catholic emancipation, who was appointed "viceroy over him." in a letter which the marquis wrote to the duke of buckingham (june 14th, 1824) he refers to some of the difficulties with which he had to contend in carrying out an impartial policy between the extreme parties, which were then very violent. his labours, however, in enforcing respect for the law and effecting improvements were not altogether in vain. "the situation of ireland," he writes, "although very unsatisfactory, is certainly much improved, and foundations of greater improvement have been firmly laid. the committees of parliament have done much good; and, if vigorously and fairly pursued, may effect a permanent settlement of this distracted country. the present violent collision of the two ultra parties, or rather factions, orange and papist, is a crisis of the disorder which was necessary to their mutual dissolution, an event which i think is fast approaching, and which must be the preliminary of any settlement of peace."

the evils of the social state of ireland were bad enough without being aggravated by the virulence of faction. the result of numerous parliamentary inquiries, and the observations of travellers from foreign countries, was to present a state of society the most deplorable that can well be imagined in any civilised country under a christian government. many of the lower orders, especially in munster and connaught, as well as in mountainous districts of the other provinces, maintained a state of existence the most wretched that can be conceived. they lived in cabins built of mud, imperfectly covered with sods and straw, consisting generally of one room, without any window, with a chimney which admitted the rain, but did not carry off the smoke. they had little or nothing that deserved the name of furniture; their food consisted of potatoes and salt, with milk or a herring sometimes as a luxury; their wages, when they got work, were only sixpence or fourpence a day. they subsisted on small patches of land, which were continually subdivided as the children got married, the population at the same time multiplying with astonishing rapidity. when the potatoes and the turf failed, towards summer, the men went off to seek harvest work in the low lands and richer districts of the country, and in england and scotland. the women, locking up the doors, set forth with the children to beg, the youngest of the lot being wrapped up in blankets, and carried on their backs. they passed on from parish to parish, getting a night's lodging, as they proceeded, in a chimney corner or in a barn, from the better part of the peasantry and farmers, who shared with them their potatoes, and gave them "a lock of straw" to sleep on. thus they migrated from county to county, eastward and northward, towards the sea, lazily reposing in the sunshine by the wayside, their children enjoying a wild kind of gipsy freedom, but growing up in utter ignorance, uncared for by anybody, unrecognised by the clergy of any church. the great proprietors were for the most part absentees, who had let their lands, generally in large tracts, to "middlemen," a sort of small gentry, or "squireens," as they were called, who sublet at a rack-rent to the peasantry. upon these rack-rented, ignorant cultivators of the soil fell a great portion of the burden of supporting the established clergy, as well as their own priesthood. the tithes were levied exclusively off tillage, the[247] rector or vicar claiming by law a tenth of the crop, which was valued by his "tithe proctors," and unless compounded for in money, which was generally done by the "strong farmers," before the crop left the field, the tenth sheaf must have been set aside to be borne away on the carts of the protestant clergyman, who was regarded by the people that thus supported him as the teacher of heresy.

perhaps there is no cause from which ireland has suffered more than from misrepresentations. nowhere have the want of discrimination, and due allowance for the extravagant exaggerations of vehement partisans, been more pernicious. there were in the reign of george iv. no evils in ireland which would not have yielded to the action of just and impartial government, removing real grievances, and extending to the people, in a confiding spirit, the blessings of the british constitution, in the spirit of lord wellesley's administration. he had to contend, indeed, with peculiar difficulties. ireland shared largely in the general distress of the united kingdom, occasioned by the contraction of the currency, and the consequent low prices of agricultural produce. he found a great portion of the south in a state of licentiousness, surpassing the worst excesses of former unhappy times; he had to deal with dangerous and secret conspiracies in other parts of the country. he applied the energies of his powerful mind to master these complicated difficulties in the spirit of conciliation which had been enjoined in the king's instructions. he explored every dangerous and untried path, and he laboured diligently, by the equal administration of the laws, to promote peace and happiness among all classes of the people. he succeeded to a great extent in accomplishing the object of his administration. mr. plunket, the irish attorney-general, in his speech on unlawful societies, in the house of commons, in february, 1825, described the country as in a state of peace and prosperity. she had been enabled, by the noble lord at the head of the government, and by the measures which he had matured, to enjoy the blessings which were the offspring of internal tranquillity. those measures had been properly administered, and public confidence had been in consequence restored. "it was a great blessing," he said, "it was a most gratifying object, to behold that country now floating on the tide of public confidence and public prosperity. she was lying on the breakers, almost a wreck, when the noble marquis arrived; and if he had not taken the measures which have been so successfully adopted, she never could have floated on that tide of public prosperity."

the attorney-general defied the enemies of the administration to point out a single instance in which the viceroy had deviated from the line of strict impartiality, yet he was the object of most virulent attacks by the fanatical members of the orange societies in dublin, and by the orange press. their animosity was excited to the utmost by a proceeding which he adopted with reference to the statue of king william iii. in college green. for some years a set of low persons, connected with the orange lodges, had been in the habit of bedaubing the statue with ridiculous painting and tawdry orange colours, with a fantastic drapery of orange scarves. the catholics believed that this was done with the avowed purpose of insulting them, and they thought that they had as much right to undress as others had to dress a public statue. on one occasion, therefore, they painted king william with lampblack. consequently, on the 12th of july, 1822, a serious riot occurred, in the course of which lives were endangered, the tranquillity of the metropolis was disturbed, and evil passions of the most furious kind were engendered in the minds of the parties. as the peace must be preserved, the only course was to put an end to those senseless brawls by ordering that no unauthorised parties should presume to put their hands on a public monument, either for the purpose of decorating or defiling it. but this judicious order the orangemen felt to be a wrong, which should be resented and avenged by driving lord wellesley out of the country. accordingly, certain members of the orange society, amounting to nearly one hundred, entered into a conspiracy to mob him in the theatre. they were supplied with pit-tickets, and assembling early at the door, they rushed in, and took possession of the seat immediately under the viceregal box. other parties of them went to the galleries. they agreed upon the watchword, "look out." they had previously printed handbills, which were freely distributed in and about the theatre, containing insulting expressions, such as "down with the popish government!" before the viceroy arrived, they had been crying for groans for the "popish lord-lieutenant," for the house of wellesley, for the duke of wellington. when the marquis arrived he was received with general cheering, that overbore the orange hisses; but during the playing of the national anthem the offensive noise became so alarming that some of the audience[248] left the theatre. at this moment a bottle was flung from one of the galleries, which was supposed to be aimed at the head of the lord-lieutenant, and which fell near his box.

some of the offenders in this "bottle riot," as it was called, were prosecuted. bills against them were sent up to the grand jury of the city of dublin. but as this body had a strong orange animus, the bills were thrown out. mr. plunket then proceeded by ex-officio informations, which raised a great outcry against the government, as having violated the constitution, and a resolution to that effect was moved by mr. brownlow in the house of commons. it turned out, however, that his predecessor, mr. saurin, one of his most vehement accusers, who alleged that the course was altogether unprecedented, had himself established the precedent ten or twelve years before. forgetting this fact, he denounced the conduct of mr. plunket as "the most flagrant violation of constitutional principle that had ever been attempted." the trial in the court of queen's bench, which commenced on february 3rd, 1823, produced the greatest possible excitement. the ordinary occupations of life appeared to be laid aside in the agitating expectation of the event. as soon as the doors were opened, one tremendous rush of the waiting multitude filled in an instant the galleries, and every avenue of the court. the result of the trial was, that the jury disagreed, the traversers were let out on bail, the attorney-general threatening to prosecute again; but the proceedings were never revived.

but in the midst of all this strife and turmoil the work of real amelioration steadily proceeded. the tithe proctor system was a great and galling grievance to protestants as well as roman catholics, but especially to the latter, who constituted the mass of the tillers of the soil. such an odious impost tended to discourage cultivation, and throw the land into pasture. the tithe commutation act was therefore passed in order to enable the tenant to pay a yearly sum, instead of having the tenth of his crop carried away in kind, or its equivalent levied, according to the valuation of the minister's proctor. it was proposed to make the act compulsory upon all rectors, but this was so vehemently resisted by the church party that it was left optional. if the measure had been compulsory, the anti-tithe war, which afterwards occurred, accompanied by violence and bloodshed, would have been avoided. it was, however, carried into operation to a large extent, and with the most satisfactory results. within a few months after the enactment, more than one thousand applications had been made from parishes to carry its requirements into effect. in 1824, on the motion of mr. hume for an inquiry into the condition of the irish church establishment, with a view to its reduction, mr. leslie foster furnished statistics from which it appeared that the proportion of roman catholics to protestants was four to one. in ulster, at that time, the roman catholic population was little more than half the number of protestants.

the year 1824 is memorable in ireland for the establishment of the catholic association. the catholic question had lain dormant since the union. ireland remained in a state of political stupor. there was a catholic committee, indeed, under the direction of a gentleman of property, mr. john keogh, of mount jerome, near dublin. but his voice was feeble, and seldom heard. the councils of the roman catholics were much distracted. many of the bishops, and most of the gentry, recommended prudence and patience as the best policy. liberal statesmen in england were willing to make concessions, but the conscientious scruples of george iii. had presented an insuperable barrier in the way of civil equality. there was an annual motion on the subject—first by grattan, then by plunket, and lastly by burdett; but it attracted very little attention, till the formidable power of the catholic association excited general alarm for the stability of british institutions. adverting to the past history of ireland—her geographical position, her social state in respect of the tenure of property, and the numbers of the respective religious denominations of her people—the ablest conservative statesmen considered that it would be extremely difficult to reconcile the perfect equality of civil privilege, or rather the bona fide practical application of that principle, with those objects on the inviolable maintenance of which the friends and opponents of catholic emancipation were completely agreed—namely, the legislative union and the established church. there was the danger of abolishing tests which had been established for the express purpose of giving to the legislature a protestant character—tests which had been established not upon vague constitutional theories, but after practical experience of the evils which had been inflicted and the dangers which had been incurred by the struggles for ascendency at periods not remote from the present. there was the danger that the removal of civil disabilities might materially alter the relations in which the roman catholics[249] stood to the state. sir robert peel, in his "memoirs," recites those difficulties at length, and in all their force. he fully admits that "the protestant interest" had an especial claim upon his devotion and his faithful service, from the part which he had uniformly taken on the catholic question, from the confidence reposed in him on that account, and from his position in parliament as the representative of the university of oxford.

mr. huskisson.

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peel then shows how, and under what constraining sense of duty, he responded to that claim: "and if the duty which that acknowledged claim imposed upon me were this—that in a crisis of extreme difficulty i should calmly contemplate and compare the dangers with which the protestant interest was threatened from different quarters—that i should advise a course which i believe to be the least unsafe—that having advised and adopted, i should resolutely adhere to it—that i should disregard every selfish consideration—that i should prefer obloquy and reproach to the aggravation of existing evils, by concealing my real opinion, and by maintaining the false show of personal consistency—if this were the duty imposed upon me, i fearlessly assert that it was most faithfully and scrupulously discharged."

the crisis of extreme difficulty to which peel referred was occasioned by the power acquired by the catholic association, which had originated in the following manner. early in 1823 mr. o'connell proposed to his brother barrister, mr. sheil, and a party of friends who were dining with mr. o'mara, at glancullen, the plan of an association for the management of the catholic cause. at a general meeting of the roman catholics, which took place in april, a resolution with the same design was carried, and on monday, the 12th of may, the first meeting of the catholic[250] association was held in dempsey's rooms, in sackville street, dublin. subsequently it met at the house of a catholic bookseller named coyne, and before a month had passed it was in active working order. from these small beginnings it became, in the course of the year, one of the most extensive, compact, and powerful popular organisations the world had ever seen. its influence ramified into every parish in ireland. it found a place and work for almost every member of the roman catholic body; the peer, the lawyer, the merchant, the country gentleman, the peasant, and, above all, the priest, had each his task assigned him: getting up petitions, forming deputations to the government and to parliament, conducting electioneering business, watching over the administration of justice, collecting "the catholic rent," preparing resolutions, and making speeches at the meetings of the association, which were held every monday at the corn exchange, when everything in the remotest degree connected with the interests of roman catholics or of ireland was the subject of animating and exciting discussion, conducted in the form of popular harangues, by barristers, priests, merchants, and others. voluminous correspondence was read by the secretary, large sums of rent were handed in, fresh members were enrolled, and speeches were made to a crowd of excited and applauding people, generally composed of dublin operatives and idlers. but as the proceedings were fully reported in the public journals, the audience may be said to have been the irish nation. and over all, "the voice of o'connell, like some mighty minster bell, was heard through ireland, and the empire, and the world."

the objects of the association were—"1st, to forward petitions to parliament; 2nd, to afford relief to catholics assailed by orange lodges; 3rd, to encourage and support a liberal and independent press, as well in dublin as in london—such a press as might report faithfully the arguments of their friends and refute the calumnies of their enemies; 4th, to procure cheap publications for the various schools in the country; 5th, to afford aid to irish catholics in america; and, 6th, to afford aid to the english catholics." such were the ostensible objects, but more was aimed at than is here expressed. the association was formed on a plan different from other bodies in ireland. it proposed to redress all grievances, local or general, affecting the people. it undertook as many questions as ever engaged the attention of a legislature. "they undertook," said the attorney-general plunket, "the great question of parliamentary reform; they undertook the repeal of the union; they undertook the regulation of church property; they undertook the administration of justice. they intended not merely to consider the administration of justice, in the common acceptance of the term; but they determined on the visitation of every court, from that of the highest authority down to the court of conscience. they did not stop here. they were not content with an interference with courts; they were resolutely bent on interfering with the adjudication of every cause which affected the catholics, whom they styled 'the people of ireland.'"

the association had become so formidable, and was yet so carefully kept within the bounds of law by "counsellor o'connell," in whose legal skill the roman catholics of all classes had unbounded confidence, that the government resolved to procure an act of parliament for its suppression. accordingly, on the 11th of february, 1825, a bill was brought into the house of commons by the irish chief secretary, mr. goulburn, under the title of unlawful societies in ireland bill. the plural form caused a great deal of debating. the government declared they wished to include the orange society as well as the catholic association. but the opposition had no faith in this declaration, and mr. brougham stated that they would put down the catholic association with one hand and pat the orange society on the back with the other. the debates on the subject were very animated, and touched upon constitutional questions of the widest interest to the public. the irish attorney-general said he did not deny that if a set of gentlemen thought fit to unite for those purposes, it was in their power to do so; but then came the question as to the means which they employed, and those means he denied to be constitutional. "they have," he said, "associated with them the catholic clergy, the catholic nobility, many of the catholic gentry, and all the surviving delegates of 1791. they have established committees in every district, who keep up an extensive correspondence through the country. this association, consisting originally of a few members, has now increased to 3,000. they proceeded to establish a roman catholic rent; and in every single parish, of the 2,500 parishes into which ireland is divided, they appointed twelve roman catholic collectors, which make an army of 30,000. having this their army of collectors, they brought to their assistance 2,500 priests, and the whole ecclesiastical body. and thus provided, they go about levying contributions on the peasantry." this mr. plunket pronounced to be unconstitutional, though not in the strict sense illegal; the association was a representative and a tax-levying body. he denied that any portion of the subjects of this realm had a right to give their suffrages to others, had a right to select persons to speak their sentiments, to debate upon their grievances, and to devise measures for their removal. this was the privilege alone of the commons of the united kingdom. he would not allow that species of power to anybody not subjected to proper control. but to whom were those individuals accountable? where was their responsibility? who was to check them? who was to stop their progress? by whom were they to be tried or rebuked if found acting mischievously? people not acquainted with ireland were not aware of the nature of this formidable instrument of power, greater than the power of the sword. individuals connected with it went into every house and every family. they mixed in all the relations of private life, and afterwards detailed what they heard with the utmost freedom. the attorney-general could not conceive a more deadly instrument of tyranny than it was when it interfered with the administration of justice. claiming to represent six millions of the people of ireland, it denounced as a public enemy, and arraigned at the bar of justice, any individual it chose to accuse of acting contrary to the popular interest. thus the grand inquest of the people were the accusers, and there was an unlimited supply of money to carry on the prosecution. the consequence was that magistrates were intimidated, feeling that there was no alternative but to yield, or be overwhelmed by the tide of fierce popular passions.

"soliciting a vote." from the painting by r. w. buss, 1834.

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after a debate of four nights the second[251] reading was carried by the large majority of one hundred and fifty-five, the numbers being two hundred and seventy-eight to one hundred and twenty-three. in the house of lords the numbers were nearly four to one in favour of the measure, which was quickly passed into law. as soon as this fact was made known in ireland, mr. o'connell moved that the society be dissolved. this was no sooner done than a new society was formed; and when the attorney-general returned to ireland he found it in active operation. it was in reference to this proceeding o'connell boasted that he could drive a coach-and-four through an act of parliament. it was declared that the new catholic association should not assume, or in any manner exercise, the power of acting for the purpose of obtaining redress of grievances in church or state, or any alteration in the law, or for the purpose of carrying on or assisting in the prosecution or defence of causes civil or criminal. nothing could be more inoffensive or agreeable than its objects, which were to promote peace, harmony, and tranquillity; to encourage a liberal and enlightened system of education; to ascertain the population of ireland, and the comparative numbers of different persuasions; to devise means of erecting suitable catholic places of worship; to encourage irish agriculture and manufactures, and to publish refutations of the charges against the catholics. such was the new platform; but the speeches were of the same defiant and belligerent strain as before. the speakers still prayed that god almighty would increase the dissensions and differences of the government, and rejoiced in the inspiring prospect of a cloud bursting on england from the north, where russia had 1,300,000 men in arms.

on the 1st of march sir francis burdett presented a catholic petition, and in a speech of great eloquence and force moved for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the grievances of which it complained. the question thus brought before the house of commons was one on which the cabinet was divided. canning had come down to the house from a sick bed, and on a crutch, to give his support to the motion. plunket delivered one of his most powerful speeches on the same side. peel took upon himself the heavy task of replying to both. he was supported by mr. leslie foster. brougham closed the debate; and the motion was carried by a majority of thirteen, amid loud cheers. resolutions were adopted, and a bill founded upon them passed the commons, but it was lost in the upper house, where it was thrown out, on the 19th of may, by a majority of sixty-five. it was on that occasion that the duke of york, then heir presumptive to the throne, made the celebrated declaration against all concession to the catholics, which excited against him intense animosity in ireland. at the conclusion of a vehement speech he said:—"if i have expressed myself warmly, especially in the latter part of what i have said, i must appeal to your lordships' generosity. i feel the subject most forcibly; but it affects me the more deeply when i recollect that to its agitation must be ascribed that severe illness and[252] ten years of misery which had clouded the existence of my beloved father. i shall therefore conclude with assuring your lordships that i have uttered my honest and conscientious sentiments, founded upon principles i have imbibed from my earliest youth, to the justice of which i have subscribed after careful consideration in maturer years; and these are the principles to which i will adhere, and which i will maintain, and that up to the latest moment of my existence, whatever may be my situation of life, so help me god!"

it was not protestants only that were alarmed at the democratic movement which was guided by o'connell. the roman catholic peers, both in england and ireland, shared their apprehensions. lord redesdale, writing to lord eldon, said:—"i learn that lord fingall and others, catholics of english blood, are alarmed at the present state of things, and they may well be alarmed. if a revolution were to happen in ireland, it would be in the end an irish revolution, and no catholic of english blood would fare better than a protestant of english blood. so said lord castlehaven, an irish catholic of english blood, one hundred and seventy years ago, and so said a roman catholic, confidentially to me, above twenty years ago. the question is not simply protestant and catholic, but english and irish; and the great motive of action will be hatred of the sassenach, inflamed by the priests."

apprehensions of this kind were not lessened by the memorable speech of mr. canning, delivered on the 15th of february, in which he gave a narrative of his labours and sacrifices in the catholic cause, and complained of the exactions and ingratitude of its leaders. having shown how he stood by the cause in the worst of times, he proceeded:—"sir, i have always refused to act in obedience to the dictates of the catholic leaders; i would never put myself into their hands, and i never will.... much as i have wished to serve the catholic cause, i have seen that the service of the catholic leaders is no easy service. they are hard taskmasters, and the advocate who would satisfy them must deliver himself up to them bound hand and foot.... but to be taunted with a want of feeling for the catholics, to be accused of compromising their interests, conscious as i am—as i cannot but be—of being entitled to their gratitude for a long course of active services, and for the sacrifice to their cause of interests of my own—this is a sort of treatment which would rouse even tameness itself to assert its honour and vindicate its claims."

parliament was prorogued on the 31st of may, 1826, and two days afterwards dissolved. it had nearly run its course. it was the sixth session, which had been abridged with a view of getting through the general election at a convenient season. but though short, the session had much work to show of one kind or another, including some useful legislation. the parliamentary papers printed occupied twenty-nine folio volumes, exclusive of the journals and votes. the parliament whose existence was now terminated had, indeed, effected the most important changes in the policy of great britain, foreign and domestic. mr. canning had severed the connection, unnatural as it was damaging, between england and the holy alliance. the government of the freest country in the world, presenting almost the only example of a constitution in which the power of the people was represented, was no longer to be associated in the councils of a conclave of despots; and this change of direction in its foreign policy was cordially adopted by the house of commons and by the nation. another great and vital change in national policy was the partial admission of the principles of free trade, which the tories regarded, not without reason, as effecting a complete revolution, which extended its influence to the whole legislation and government.

[253]

election meeting in ireland. (see p. 254.)

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in one respect the general election happened at an unseasonable time. it was the driest and warmest summer on record. on the 28th of june, the hottest day in the year, the thermometer stood at eighty-nine and a half degrees in the shade. several deaths were occasioned by sunstroke; among the victims were a son of earl grey, and mr. butterworth, the eminent law bookseller, a candidate for dover. the elections were carried on in many places with great spirit. but, though there were exciting contests, the struggles were not for parties, but for measures. there were three great questions at issue before the nation, and with respect to these pledges were exacted. the principal were the corn laws, catholic emancipation, and the slave trade. in england and wales one hundred and thirty-three members were returned who had never before sat in parliament. this large infusion of new blood showed that the constituencies were in earnest. in ireland the contests turned chiefly on the catholic question. the organisation of the catholic association told now with tremendous effect. in every parish the populace were so excited by inflammatory harangues, delivered in the chapel on sundays, after public worship, both[254] by priests and laymen—the altar being converted into a platform—that irresistible pressure was brought to bear upon the roman catholic electors. the "forty-shilling freeholders" had been multiplied to an enormous extent by the landlords for electioneering purposes. roman catholic candidates being out of the question, and the tory interest predominant in ireland, electioneering contests had been hitherto in reality less political than personal. they had been contests for pre-eminence between great rival families; consequently, farms were cut up into small holdings, because a cabin and a potato garden gave a man who was little better than a pauper an interest which he could swear was to him worth forty shillings a year. the protestant landlords who pursued this selfish course little dreamt that the political power they thus created would be turned with terrible effect against themselves; and they could scarcely realise their position when, in county after county, they were driven from the representation, which some of them regarded as an inheritance almost as secure as their estates. the most powerful family in ireland, and the most influential in the government, was that of the beresfords, whose principal estates lay in the county waterford, and where no one would imagine that their candidate could be opposed with the least prospect of success. but on this occasion they suffered a signal defeat. the forty-shilling freeholders, as well as the better class of roman catholic farmers, were so excited by the contest that they went almost to a man against their landlords. in many cases they had got their holdings at low rents on the express condition that their vote should be at the disposal of the landlord. but all such obligations were given to the winds. they followed their priests from every parish to the hustings, surrounded and driven forward by a mass of non-electors armed with sticks and shouting for their church and their country. o'connell was now in his glory, everywhere directing the storm which he had raised. when the contest was over, many of the landlords retaliated by evicting the tenants who had betrayed their trust and forfeited their pledges. they were tauntingly told that they might go for the means of living to o'connell and the priests. this was a new ingredient in the cauldron of popular discontent, disaffection, and agrarian crime. the gain of the catholic party in ireland, however, was more than counterbalanced by the gain of the opposite party in england and scotland.

the new parliament met on the 14th of november. mr. manners sutton was re-elected speaker. a week was spent in the swearing-in of members, and on the 21st the session was opened by the king in person. in the royal speech allusion was made to the throwing open of the ports for the admission of foreign grain, and the distress that had visited the manufacturing districts. the address was carried in the upper house without a division, and in the lower house an amendment, moved by mr. hume, found only twenty-four supporters. on the 5th of december alderman waithman moved for a committee of inquiry with reference to the part taken by members of parliament in the joint stock mania of 1824-5-6. he stated that within the last three years six hundred joint-stock companies had been formed, most of them for dishonest purposes. the directors of these fraudulent schemes worked with the market as they pleased, forcing up the prices of shares to sell, and depressing them to buy, pocketing the difference. he dwelt particularly on the arignon mining company, of which the late chairman of the committee of ways and means, mr. brogden, had been a director. the directors of this company, besides an allowance of three guineas per day for the use of their names, had divided between them a large surplus, arising from traffic in shares. other members of the house, he alleged, had enriched themselves by bubble companies, particularly sir william congreve. at the suggestion of mr. canning, the inquiry was restricted to the arignon company. a vast amount of loss and suffering had been inflicted by these bubble companies. a check was given to the steady and wholesome progress of the country by the fever of excitement, followed by a sudden and terrible collapse. healthful commerce was blighted, and one of the worst results of the revulsion was that it not only swept away the delusive projects of adventurers, but paralysed for a season the operations of legitimate enterprise. the commercial atmosphere, however, had been cleared by the monetary crisis of 1825-6. an extensive decomposition of commercial elements was effected. masses of fictitious property were dispersed, and much of the real capital of the country was distributed in new and safe channels, which caused the year 1827 to open with more cheering prospects.

the duke of york did not long survive his vehement declaration against the concession of the catholic claims. his vow that he would never permit the emancipation to take place, whatever might be his future position—alluding to his[255] probable accession to the throne—embittered the feelings of the irish roman catholics against him. his disease was dropsy, and mr. sheil, at a public dinner, jeeringly referred to the "rotundity of his configuration." mr. o'connell, with equally bad taste, exulted in the prospect of his dissolution, and said, "i wish no physical ill to the royal duke; but if he has thrown his oath in the way of our liberties, and that, as long as he lives, justice shall not be done to the people of ireland, it is a mockery to tell me that the people of ireland have not an interest in his ceasing to live. death is the corrector of human errors; it is said to be man's hour for repentance, and god's opportunity. if the royal duke should not become converted from his political errors, i am perfectly resigned to the will of god, and shall abide the result with the most christian resignation." the duke's bodily sufferings increased very much towards the end of 1826, and in december the disease manifested the most alarming symptoms. he continued to the last to discharge his duties as commander-in-chief. his professional zeal flashed out even on his death-bed. at a time when his breathing was so oppressed that it was necessary to support him with pillows in an upright position, he personally gave all the orders, and directed all the arrangements, for the expedition which left england in the middle of december, when the peace of europe was in imminent danger from the threatened invasion of portugal. notwithstanding his dislike to canning, in consequence of their difference on the catholic question, he co-operated with him in this matter with an earnestness and vigour which the duke of wellington himself could not have surpassed. on the 5th of january, 1827, he died.

the occasion for the portuguese expedition arose in this way: bands of portuguese rebels, armed, equipped, and trained in spain, at the instigation of france, passed the spanish frontier, carrying terror and devastation into their own country, crossing the boundary at different points, and proclaiming different pretenders to the throne of portugal. had spain employed mercenaries to effect the invasion, there could not be a doubt of its hostile character. portugal then enjoyed a constitutional government, under the regency of the infant daughter of the king of brazil. the absolutist party had proclaimed don miguel, the king of brazil's younger brother. during the civil war the rebels had been driven into spain, where they were welcomed with ardour, equipped afresh, and sent back to maintain the cause of absolutism in the portuguese dominions. england was bound by treaty to assist portugal in any such emergency. her aid was demanded accordingly, and, averse as mr. canning was from war, and from intervention in the affairs of foreign states, he rendered the assistance required with the utmost promptitude. on friday, december 3rd, the portuguese ambassador made a formal demand of assistance against a hostile aggression from spain. canning answered that, though he had heard rumours to that effect, he had not yet received such precise information as justified him in applying to parliament. it was only on friday that that information arrived. on saturday the cabinet came to a decision; on sunday the decision received the sanction of the king; on monday it was communicated to both houses of parliament, and on tuesday the troops were on their march for embarkation. the expedition arrived at lisbon in good time, and had the desired effect of restoring tranquillity and preventing war—that "war of opinions" which canning so much dreaded. it was on this occasion that canning delivered the magnificent oration which electrified the house and the country. no speech in parliament had ever before produced such an effect. only a man of splendid genius and intense sympathy, placed in a position to wield the force of a great nation, could have delivered such a speech or produced such an effect. "the situation of england," he said, "amidst the struggle of political opinions which agitates more or less sensibly different countries of the world, may be compared to that of the ruler of the winds—

'celsa sedet ?olus arce,

sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras;

ni faciat, maria ac terras c?lumque profundum

quippe ferant rapidi secum verrantque per auras.'

"the consequence of letting loose the passions at present chained and confined would be to produce a scene of desolation which no man can contemplate without horror, and i would not sleep easy on my couch if i were conscious that i had contributed to accelerate it by a single moment. this is the reason why i dread the recurrence of hostilities in any part of europe; why i would forbear long on any point which did not taint the national honour, ere i let slip the dogs of war, the leash of which we hold in our hands, not knowing whom they may reach, or how far their ravages may be carried. such is the love of peace which the british government acknowledges, and such the necessity for peace which the[256] circumstances of the world inculcate. let us fly to the aid of portugal, because it is our duty to do so; and let us cease our interference when that duty ends. we go to portugal not to rule, not to dictate, not to prescribe constitutions, but to defend and preserve the independence of an ally. we go to plant the standard of england on the well-known heights of lisbon. where that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall not come." the house received this speech with tumultuous applause, and refused to listen to the objections that mr. hume and others wished to urge against the expedition on the score of economy. in the upper house also the government was sustained by an overwhelming majority. the expedition, consisting of six thousand men, received orders to march (as we have seen) on the 11th of december, and began to land in lisbon on christmas day. the incursions from spain immediately ceased, and france, which had instigated and secretly encouraged the movement, now found it prudent to disclaim all connection with it. before eighteen months had elapsed the troops had returned.

toryism had now lost two of its main pillars, the marquis of londonderry and the duke of york. they had worked together for many years, one directing the foreign policy of the country while sustaining the chief burden of a great war against france, the other at the head of the british army, whose valour ultimately triumphed at waterloo. a third of those pillars, lord liverpool, was now struck down; and the fourth, lord eldon, was not destined to survive very long. on the 17th of february a stroke of paralysis terminated the public life of the prime minister, though he survived till december 4th in the following year (1828). he was born in 1770, and as mr. jenkinson and lord hawkesbury had been a firm supporter of mr. pitt; his premiership commenced on june 9th, 1812. he had acquired from his father an extensive knowledge of monetary and commercial affairs, and this, combined with the experience of a protracted official career, gave him a great advantage in parliament, making him master of the leading principles and facts. amiable, exemplary, frank, and disinterested in his private character, he secured the attachment of his friends, and conciliated the good-will of his political opponents. he was not distinguished for superior statesmanship, power in debate, or originality of mind; but as a political leader he was what is called a safe man—cautious, moderate, plausible, and conciliatory. his cabinet was weakened by division, the most agitating topic of the day being an open question with its members—eldon, wellington, and peel voting with him on one side, canning and his friends on the other. his practical wisdom was shown in so far yielding to the spirit of the times as to admit mr. canning into the cabinet on the death of lord londonderry, though he found great difficulty in overcoming the repugnance of the king to this arrangement. in the same spirit he had admitted the grenvilles to a responsible share in the administration. had he been a man of more decision of character and more energetic will, he would have been more one-sided and straightforward, and that would not have suited a time of great transition and changes of political currents. during his long tenure of office new ideas were fermenting in the public mind. the people had become impatient of class legislation, and were loudly demanding greater influence in the legislation of the country, greater security for their rights, and freer scope for their industry. they had the most powerful advocates in the press and in parliament, where henry brougham stood foremost among their champions, incessantly battling for their cause. the conservatives were entrenched behind the bulwarks of monopoly, which were assailed with a frequency and determination that, it was foreseen by the wisest of their defenders, nothing could ultimately resist. lord liverpool, with great tact and prudence, managed to postpone the hour of surrender so long as he was in command of the fortress. he had yielded one outwork after another, when resistance was no longer possible, but the value of his services in retaining the rest was not fully appreciated till he was disabled and placed hors de combat. without any far-reaching sagacity, he could estimate the relative value of existing social and political forces, and, weighing all the circumstances, determine what was the best thing to be done, the best of several courses to adopt here and now. he felt that catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform might be still safely resisted, and here he was loyal to his party; but on questions of currency, free trade, and navigation, he went readily with his liberal supporters.

[257]

lisbon.

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when he was removed, it was evident that the temporising system would do no longer. the head of the cabinet must take one side or the other. the prime minister must be a friend or an enemy of progress—a reformer or an anti-reformer. in these circumstances the king had great difficulty in forming an administration. the prostration of lord liverpool had come upon the political world "with the force of an earthquake," convulsing parties in the most violent and singular manner, and completely changing the aspect of affairs at court and in the state. the sovereign had before him, on one hand, mr. canning, the leader of the house of commons, the most popular minister, the most brilliant statesman in england since the days of pitt. how could he put aside his claims to be prime minister? on the tory side there was no statesman to whom the post could be safely entrusted. if eldon could be kept in his place as lord chancellor, it was as much as could be expected at his time of life. the duke of wellington's military character, as well as his anti-catholic feeling, prevented his being placed at the head of an administration. mr. peel was considered too young to occupy so great a position. the latter was consulted, and gave it as his opinion that an anti-catholic ministry could not be formed. the issue was, that, after a fortnight's anxious suspense and difficulty, the king entrusted mr. canning with the formation of a ministry. the task which he undertook was extremely delicate and difficult. he was greatly disliked by the chiefs of both parties. he belonged to no old aristocratic house. he had risen to the first position in the state by his genius and industry, by the wise and beneficent application of the most brilliant and commanding talents. these excited intense jealousy among those whose principal merit consisted in hereditary rank. when he had received the king's orders, though aware of their feelings towards him, he dealt with them in a frank and generous spirit. he wrote to his colleagues individually, courteously expressing his desire that the public service might still enjoy the advantages to be derived from the exercise of their administrative talents. most of them answered evasively, pretending that they did not know who was to be prime minister, and postponing their decision till they had received that information. as soon as they learnt that they were to serve under mr. canning, the entire administration, with very few exceptions, resigned. mr. peel did not share the antipathies of his aristocratic colleagues. mr. canning declared that[258] he was the only seceding member of the government that behaved well to him at this time; and so high was his opinion of that gentleman that he considered him to be his only rightful political heir and successor. he was not deceived on either of those points. mr peel, writing confidentially to lord eldon, on the 9th of april, expressed his feelings frankly, and they did him honour. his earnest wish was to see the government retained on the footing on which it stood at the time of lord liverpool's misfortune. he was content with his own position as home secretary. though differing from every one of his colleagues in the house of commons on the catholic question, he esteemed and respected them, and would consider it a great misfortune were his majesty to lose the services of any of them, "but particularly of canning." he was willing to retire alone if the rest of his colleagues, who did not feel the same difficulty, would consent to hold office with canning. he advised the king that an exclusive protestant government could not be formed. he also said that he was out of the question as the head of a government under the arrangement that he considered the best that could be made, namely, the reconstruction of the late administration, "because it was quite impossible for canning to acquiesce in his appointment." he was, however, ready to give canning's government his general support.

on the 10th of april, when mr. canning kissed hands as first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, he found himself deserted by the duke of wellington, lord eldon, mr. peel, lords bathurst, melville, and westmoreland. the members of the cabinet who finally adhered to him were lord harrowby, mr. huskisson, mr. wynne, and mr. robinson, afterwards lord goderich, who had become secretary of the colonial department, with the lead of the government in the house of lords. having received the resignations, and presented them to the king, mr. canning said:—"here, sire, is that which disables me from executing the orders i have received from you respecting the formation of a new administration. it is now open to your majesty to adopt a new course; for no step has yet been taken in the execution of those orders that is irrecoverable." he added, that if he was to go on, his writ must be moved for that day, which was the last before the easter recess. the king at once gave him his hand to kiss, and confirmed the appointment. two hours afterwards the house was ringing with acclamations while mr. wynne was moving that a new writ be issued for the borough of newport in consequence of the right honourable george canning having accepted the office of first lord of the treasury. this was a result which lord eldon did not anticipate. he evidently expected that canning would be foiled in his attempt to form a ministry. he wrote, "who could have thought it? i guess that i, wellington, peel, bathurst, westmoreland, and c. will be out." again he says, "the whole conversation in town is made up of abusive, bitterly abusive, talk of people about each other—all fire and flame. i have known nothing like it." elsewhere he remarks, "i think political enmity runs higher and waxes warmer than i ever knew it."

the irritation arose from the fact that the force of public opinion was wresting political power from the families that had so long held it in well-assured possession as their hereditary right. mr. canning appeared before them as the man in whom that opinion had triumphed—who, by his own talents and merit alone, had risen to the first position in the state, to be, in fact, the chief ruler, the acting sovereign of the empire. hence the mortification, hence the factious wrath that was poured upon his devoted head. they succeeded in victimising a statesman of whom, as englishmen, they ought to have been proud, vainly hoping that they could thereby maintain the domination of their order in the government of the country. they were aware that the state of mr. canning's health was not good. he had all the exquisite sensibility as well as the pride of genius. his finely strung nervous system had been overwrought by incessant labour and anxiety, and irritated by the unworthy and unmerited attacks to which he had been subjected. he suppressed his feelings with a manly self-control, and a noble disdain of the mean and virulent assaults upon him. but he felt keenly, nevertheless, and the more carefully he hid the wounds of his mind, the more fatally the poisoned shafts rankled within.

the new premier, however, was resolute, and persevered with his arrangements. he found an excellent successor to lord eldon, as chancellor, in sir john copley, the master of the rolls, who was created lord lyndhurst. mr. peel, as home secretary, was succeeded by mr. sturges bourne, who retired after a few weeks to make way for the marquis of lansdowne. he represented a section of the whigs, prominent among whom were brougham, tierney and burdett, who gave[259] their support to the ministry. the duke of clarence succeeded lord melville as first lord of the admiralty, and the marquis of anglesey the duke of wellington as master-general of the ordnance. viscount palmerston was appointed the secretary at war, with which office he commenced his long, brilliant, and popular career as a cabinet minister. the new master of the rolls was sir john leech, the attorney-general sir james scarlett, and the solicitor-general sir n. tindal. mr. lamb, afterwards lord melbourne, succeeded mr. goulburn as chief secretary of ireland.

these three events—the death of the duke of york, the appointment of mr. canning as prime minister, and the entire remodelling of the cabinet on liberal principles—succeeding one another so rapidly in the early months of 1827, were regarded as the turning-points in the modern history of england, and fraught with most momentous consequences. the first changed the heir-apparent to the throne, and for an obstinate bigot substituted a prince of popular sympathies. the second represented the triumph of intellect and public opinion over rank and monopoly. "changes so vast," writes sir archibald alison, "could not fail to exercise a powerful influence on the course of events in future times. the magnitude of the change appeared in the most decided manner when the ministerial explanations usual in such cases took place in parliament. both houses were crowded to excess, both in the highest degree excited, but the excitement in the two was as different as the poles are asunder: in the commons it was the triumph of victory, in the peers the consternation of defeat. so clearly was this evinced that it obliterated for a time the deep lines of party distinction, and brought the two houses, almost as hostile bodies united under different standards, into the presence of each other. the commons rang with acclamations when the new premier made his triumphant explanation from the head of the ministerial bench; but they were still louder when mr. peel, from the cross benches, out of office, said, 'they may call me illiberal and tory, but it will be found that some of the most necessary measures of useful legislation of late years are inscribed with my name.' the tide of reform had become so strong that even the avowed tory leaders in the lower house were fain to take credit by sailing along with it. in the house of lords, on the other hand, the feeling of the majority was decidedly hostile to the new administration, and that not merely on the tory benches, where it might naturally have been looked for, but among the old whig nobility, who had long considered government as an appendage of their estates. it was hard to say whether the old peers on both sides responded more strongly to the duke of wellington's and lord eldon's explanation of their reasons for declining to hold office, or to earl grey's powerful and impassioned attack on the new premier. the division of the two houses was clearly pronounced; the one presaged its approaching triumph, the other its coming downfall. the secret sense of coming change had raised their numbers in unwonted combinations, and the vital distinction of interest and order had for the time superseded the old divisions of party."

mr. canning had now attained the highest summit to which the ambition of a british subject can aspire. with the acclamation of the country and of the house of commons, he had taken the first place in the government of the empire, to which he had raised himself by his talents and his merit alone, surmounting as he rose the most formidable impediments, aristocratic antipathies, class interests, and royal dislike. he was the idol of the nation, and not only in great britain, but throughout the world, his fame shone brightest of all the public men of his age. his name was associated with the triumph of liberal principles throughout europe and america; he was at the head of a strong government, and he had conciliated the good-will of his sovereign. such a combination of what are usually regarded as the elements of human happiness has rarely, if ever, been known in the history of england, where alone such a phenomenon could occur. as a man of genius, as an orator, as a political leader, he enjoyed a reputation and a degree of success which in any one of these capacities would be regarded by the majority of men as the acme of human felicity. but in addition to these he enjoyed a position and wielded a power with which many great men have been content, without the brilliant halo of glory with which, in canning's case, they were surrounded. but it is a singular and humbling illustration of the vanity of human wishes and human glory, that this great man was, after all, unhappy, and that the political enemies he had vanquished had the power of bringing him to an early grave. the whig and tory lords studied in every way to wound the proud spirit, which they knew to be extremely sensitive. they scowled upon him with looks of resentment and vengeance. old friends averted their eyes from the affectionate companion[260] of earlier days; the cordial pressure of his hand was not returned; his associates and supporters in office and in parliament were, for the most part, his former opponents in many a political battlefield. the odium of being a convert to liberal principles settled upon his noble spirit like a fatal blight, the animosity with which intolerance pursues the honest and generous lover of truth and right pierced his susceptible nervous system like a keen, pitiless, persistent east wind. this was more than his delicate organism could long bear. the state of his mind affected his bodily health. the charm of his conversation made him the delight of his friends in private society, in which he found a solace and a welcome relaxation from the toils of office. it was natural, though to be regretted, that with such a susceptible, enjoying, and genial temperament, delighting in wit and humour, and diffusing pleasure around him by the coruscations of his own genius, he should have lingered longer in convivial parties than was prudent for his health. the consequence was an inflamed and irritable state of the system. thus predisposed to disease, he caught cold by sitting under a tree, after being heated with walking, while on a visit with lord lyndhurst at wimbledon. attacked with inflammation of the kidneys, he went to chiswick, on the advice of his doctors, and there, on the 8th of august, after a brief period of intense suffering, he died in the villa of the duke of devonshire, and in the same room in which a man of kindred genius, the illustrious charles james fox, breathed his last.

lord liverpool. (after the portrait by sir t. lawrence, p.r.a.)

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the ministerial changes consequent on the death of mr. canning were announced on the 17th of august. viscount goderich, afterwards earl of[261] ripon, became the first lord of the treasury, the duke of portland president of the council, mr. herries chancellor of the exchequer, mr. huskisson colonial secretary, and mr. c. grant president of the board of trade. on the 22nd the duke of wellington was gazetted as commander-in-chief. he accepted this office at the earnest request of the king, and it was universally felt that he was the fittest man for the post; but those who, with lord eldon, earnestly wished for the speedy downfall of the new ministry—which they regarded as almost exclusively canningite—lamented that he should have assumed that position which would necessarily paralyse his opposition in the house of lords, and so far tend to keep in the administration. there was, however, little chance of that, for perhaps no cabinet was ever more divided. they intrigued man against man, section against section; and at last, without any external pressure, the cabinet fell to pieces from its own weakness. lord goderich lost heart, and gave in his resignation before parliament met. the king was at windsor while the work of dissolution was going on. when it was complete, he said, "if they had not dissolved themselves by their own acts, i should have remained faithful to them to the last." they appeared before him on the 8th of january, 1828, to resign the offices which they had received from his hands. the duke of wellington was then sent for. it was not his wish to become prime minister of england. the reasons which had impelled him, on a former occasion, to resist the solicitations of his colleagues induced him now to remonstrate respectfully with the sovereign; but the king would take no denial.

devonshire villa, chiswick.

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lord goderich acted with great humility. in a letter to the duke of buckingham, shortly after his resignation, he expressed his willingness to serve under the duke of wellington, though it might certainly be a matter of doubt with him how far, in existing circumstances, he could with credit accept office. but as the government was to rest upon a broad basis, and was not to oppose the principles he had always advocated, he was ready to consider favourably any offer that might be made to him. the task which wellington had undertaken was a most[262] difficult one, considering the nature of the questions that agitated the public mind, and the course which he had adopted in reference to them. the new government was announced on the 25th of january. it retained several members of the goderich ministry—namely, lord dudley, mr. huskisson, and mr. herries. the duke of wellington was premier, mr. goulburn chancellor of the exchequer, lord aberdeen chancellor of the duchy of lancaster, and lord ellenborough privy seal. mr. canning's widow was created a viscountess, with a grant of ￡6,000 a year, to be enjoyed after her death by her eldest son, and, in case of his death, by her second son. the former was in the navy, and perished accidentally soon after his father's death. the second son, to whom the family honours descended, was the governor-general of india during the most memorable crisis in the history of that empire. the grant was opposed by lord althorp, mr. hume, and mr. banks, but was carried by a majority of 161 to 54.

of all the expectants of office in the wellington administration, the most bitterly disappointed was the ex-chancellor, lord eldon, to whom official life had from long habit become almost a necessity. he had enjoyed power long enough in reason to admit of his retirement with a contented mind; but the passion for it was never stronger than at the present moment. he hastened to london a few days after christmas on account of rumours of a dissolution of the cabinet. having so often done this when there was a talk of a ministerial crisis, he was called the "stormy petrel." believing that he had mainly contributed to bring about the ministerial catastrophe, he was dreadfully mortified when he saw in the newspapers the list of the new ministers beginning thus: "chancellor, lord lyndhurst." he had not set his heart this time on the office of lord chancellor, he would have been content with the presidentship of the council or privy seal; but his name was not found in the list at all, nor had he been consulted in any way, or informed about what was going forward during the fortnight that passed before the ministerial arrangements were completed. this utter neglect of his claims excited his anger and indignation to the utmost, and caused him to indulge in bitter revilings and threats against the new cabinet. the great tory lords shared in his resentment, and felt that they were all insulted in his person. referring to the ministerial arrangements, he wrote:—"you will observe, dudley, huskisson, grant, palmerston, and lyndhurst (five) were all canningites, with whom the rest were three weeks ago in most violent contest and opposition; these things are to me quite marvellous. how they are all to deal with each other's conduct, as to the late treaty with turkey and the navarino battle, is impossible to conjecture. as the first-fruits of this arrangement, the corporation of london have agreed to petition parliament to repeal the laws which affect dissenters."

the greeks had been struggling to emancipate themselves from the tyrannical dominion of the turks, aided in their war of independence only by the voluntary contributions and personal services of enthusiastic friends of freedom, like lord byron. at length, however, the sanguinary nature of the contest, and the injury to commerce by piracy, induced the great powers of europe to interfere in order to put an end to the war. accordingly, on the 6th of july, 1827, a treaty was signed in london by the ministers of great britain, france, and russia, for the pacification of greece. in pursuance of this treaty, a joint expedition, consisting of british, french, and russian ships, entered the bay of navarino on the 20th of october, with the object of compelling the sultan to concede an armistice, in order that there might be time for effecting an arrangement. the sultan, mahmoud, having declined the mediation of the combined powers, and ibrahim pasha having received a large reinforcement of troops from egypt, he was ordered to put down the insurrection at every cost by land and sea. he had accordingly recommenced the war with fanatical fury. all greeks found in arms were to be put to the sword, and the morea was to be laid waste. the combined fleet of the allies had received orders to demand an armistice, and if this were refused by the turkish admiral, they were to intercept the turkish supplies, but not to commit hostilities. when the turkish fleet met the allies, the futility of these instructions became evident. they found it ranged at the bottom of the bay, in the form of a crescent. instead of parleying, the turks began to fire, and the battle commenced apparently without plan on either side. it soon became general. admiral codrington, in the asia, opened a broadside upon the egyptian admiral, and soon reduced his ship to a wreck; others in rapid succession shared the same fate. the conflict lasted with great fury for four hours. when the smoke cleared off, the enemy had disappeared, and the bay was strewn with the fragments of their ships. among the allies, the loss of the british was greatest, though not large—only 75 men killed[263] and 197 wounded. the catastrophe produced immense excitement at constantinople, and had the janissaries (those fierce and bigoted defenders of mohammedanism whom the sultan had so recently extirpated) been still in existence, it would have fared ill with christians in that part of the world. the sultan demanded satisfaction, which would not be granted, and the european ambassadors left constantinople. the battle of navarino occurred at the time when the duke of wellington assumed the reins of office, our ambassador having then returned from constantinople.

parliament was opened by commission on the 29th of january, four days after the formation of the wellington ministry. the royal speech referred chiefly to the affairs of the east, to the rights of neutral nations violated by the revolting excesses of the greeks and turks, to the battle of navarino with the fleet of an ancient ally, which was lamented as an "untoward event;" but hopes were expressed that it might not lead to further hostilities. the speech alluded to the increase of exports and the more general employment of the people as indications of returning prosperity. the phrase "untoward" was objected to by lords lansdowne and goderich. lord holland denied that our relations with turkey were those of an alliance; but the duke of wellington contended that the ottoman empire was an ancient ally of great britain, that it formed an essential part of the balance of power, and that the maintenance of its independent existence was more than ever necessary as an object of european policy.

the duke of wellington had some difficulty in producing due subordination among the members of his government at the outset. at liverpool, mr. huskisson, in addressing his constituents, by way of apology for serving under a tory chief, said that in taking office he had obtained guarantees for the future liberal course of the government. the duke resented this assertion, and in the house of lords, on the 11th of february, with some warmth, contradicted the statement, and declared that pledges had neither been asked nor given, and that if they had been asked, they would have been indignantly refused. mr. huskisson explained, in the commons, that by guarantees he had meant only that the past conduct and character of his colleagues furnished pledges for the future course of the ministry. another cause of misunderstanding arose, on the 19th of the same month, with reference to the disfranchisement of east retford. a bill had been brought in for that purpose. a portion of the cabinet were for the enlargement of the constituency by taking in the neighbouring hundred of bassetlaw; but the constituency had obtained permission to be heard by counsel before the lords, and they produced such an impression that the duke of wellington hesitated about the propriety of the measure. another party were for transferring the members to birmingham. the course mr. huskisson is represented to have taken on this question seems so tortuous that it is not easy to account for it. the duke of wellington and mr. peel were understood to have advocated in the cabinet the disfranchisement of east retford, and the transference of its members to birmingham. mr. huskisson, conceiving that he was in honour bound to adhere to an arrangement that mr. canning had made, voted for throwing open the franchise, and carried his point. they produced their bill accordingly, and were met, as in the kindred case of penryn, with a counter-proposal for transferring the members to birmingham. against this mr. huskisson argued, as tending to weaken too much and too suddenly the agricultural interest. the second reading was proposed on the 19th of may, and an animated debate ensued, in which the chief speakers on the ministerial side were mr. peel and mr. huskisson. nobody appeared to suspect that mr. huskisson did not intend to support with his vote the measure which as a speaker he had recommended. such, however, proved to be the fact. a division took place, and mr. huskisson and lord palmerston, very much to the astonishment of all parties, went into the lobby against the ministerial proposal. at two o'clock that night mr. huskisson wrote a letter to the duke, which his grace received at ten in the morning, in which he said, "i owe it to you, as the head of the administration, and to mr. peel, as leader of the house of commons, to lose no time in affording you an opportunity of placing my office in other hands." the duke very naturally took this as a resignation, but mr. huskisson denied that it was so meant. an irritating correspondence ensued, and mr. huskisson left the cabinet, as he affirmed, against his will. all the followers of mr. canning went with him—namely, lord dudley from the foreign office, lord palmerston from the war office, and mr. c. grant from the board of control. they were succeeded by lord aberdeen as foreign secretary, mr. vesey fitzgerald at the board of control, and sir henry hardinge as secretary at war. such was the constitution of the government, with all its liberalism thus expurgated,[264] which repealed the test and corporation acts, and carried catholic emancipation. the king was particularly anxious to have a strong government. he was still firm in his resistance to catholic emancipation. the very mention of the subject by his ministers produced a degree of excitement and irritation which made their intercourse with him occasionally unpleasant. the duke of wellington seemed, of all men, the least likely to give way on the subject. in the debate on the test and corporation acts, he said, "there is no person in this house whose feelings and sentiments, after long consideration, are more decided than mine are with respect to the roman catholic claims; and i must say that, until i see a great change in that question, i must oppose it."

on the 28th of february lord john russell proposed and carried a resolution that the house of commons should go into committee to inquire into the operation of the test and corporation acts, with a view to their repeal. from the very foundation of the established church at the reformation the most stringent measures were adopted to put down nonconformity, to render the church and state identical in their constituent elements, and to preserve the uniformity and secure the perpetuity of the faith which had been established. the dissenters, however, maintained that the act of uniformity had utterly failed to accomplish its object. they observed that at first the reformed church was calvinistic in its articles, its clergy, and its preaching; that it then became arminian and overcharged with ceremony under laud; that it was latitudinarian in the days of william and anne; that in more modern times it had been divided into "high church," and "low church," and "broad church;" that subscription did not prevent the greatest variety and even the most positive contrariety of doctrine and religious opinion, referring, for illustration, to the rise and progress of the "evangelical" and the "anglican" parties. they further contended that the act had failed in one of its main objects—namely, in keeping all protestants within the pale of the church, as, so far as actual membership or communicants were concerned, the adherents to the establishment were now in a minority. in vain, then, were 2,000 clergymen ejected from their parishes, followed by 60,000 earnest protestants, who, by fines, imprisonment, or voluntary exile, suffered on account of their nonconformity. this persecution had an effect the opposite of what had been anticipated. if, as hume remarked, every martyrdom in the marian persecution was worth to protestantism and liberty a hundred sermons against popery, so every act of persecution against the nonconformists was of value to the religious life of the nation. in consequence of the development of that life, the toleration act became a necessity; and from the accession of george ii. an annual indemnity act was passed.

sanguine though the dissenters had been respecting the growth of the principles of civil and religious liberty, of which the seeds had been sown in tears by the early puritan confessors, they did not anticipate that the harvest was at hand. as their claims were not embarrassed by any question of divided allegiance or party politics, many members of parliament who had not supported the relief of the roman catholics found themselves at liberty to advocate the cause of the protestant nonconformists; while almost all who had supported the greater measure of emancipation felt themselves bound by consistency to vote for the abolition of the sacramental test. yet the victory was not achieved without a struggle. lord john russell said:—"the government took a clear, open, and decided part against us. they summoned their followers from every part of the empire. nay, they issued a sort of 'hatti-sheriff' for the purpose; they called upon every one within their influence who possessed the faith of a true mussulman to follow them in opposing the measure. but, notwithstanding their opposition in the debate, their arguments were found so weak, and in the division their numbers were found so deficient, that nothing could be more decided than our triumph."

[265]

battle of navarino: the "asia" engaging the ships of the capitan bey and mohurrem bey. (see p. 262.)

[see larger version]

lord john russell, who introduced the measure, lord althorp, mr. smith of norwich, and mr. ferguson pleaded the cause of the dissenters with unanswerable arguments. they showed that the church was not now in danger; that there was no existing party bent on subverting the constitution; that in the cases where the tests were not exacted during the last half century there was no instance of a dissenter holding office who had abused his trust; that though the test act had been practically in abeyance during all that time, the church had suffered no harm. why, then, preserve an offensive and discreditable act upon the statute book? why keep up invidious distinctions when there was no pretence of necessity for retaining them? why, without the shadow of proof, presume disaffection against any class of the community? even the members of the established church of scotland might be, by those tests and[266] penalties, debarred from serving their sovereign unless they renounced their religion. a whole nation was thus proscribed upon the idle pretext that it was necessary to defend the church of another nation. it was asked, did the church of england aspire, like the mussulmans of turkey, to be exclusively charged with the defence of the empire? if so, let the presbyterians and dissenters withdraw, and it would be seen what sort of defence it would have. take from the field of waterloo the scottish regiments; take away, too, the sons of ireland: what then would have been the chance of victory? if they sought the aid of scottish and irish soldiers in the hour of peril, why deny them equal rights and privileges in times of peace? besides, the church could derive no real strength from exclusion and coercion, which only generated ill-will and a rankling feeling of injustice. the established church of scotland had been safe without any test and corporation acts. they had been abolished in ireland half a century ago without any evil accruing to the church in that country. it was contrary to the spirit of the age to keep up irritating yet inefficient and impracticable restrictions, which were a disgrace to the statute book.

mr. peel urged that it is dangerous to touch time-honoured institutions in an ancient monarchy like this, if the dissenters did not feel the tests as a grievance; if they did, it would be a very strong argument for a change. "but," he asked, "are the grievances now brought forward in parliament really felt as such by the dissenters out of doors? so far from it, there were only six petitions presented on the subject from 1816 to 1827. the petitions of last year were evidently got up for a political purpose." he quoted from a speech of mr. canning's, delivered, in 1825, on the catholic relief bill, in which he said, "this bill does not tend to equalise all the religions in the state, but to equalise all the dissenting sects of england. i am, and this bill is, for a predominant church, and i would not, even in appearance, meddle with the laws which secure that predominance to the church of england. what is the state of the protestant dissenters? it is that they labour under no practical grievances on account of this difference with the established church; that they sit with us in this house, and share our counsels; that they are admissible into the highest offices of state, and often hold them. such is the operation of the test and corporation acts, as mitigated by the annual indemnity act; this much, and no more, i contend, the catholics should enjoy." with regard to scotland mr. peel appealed to the facts that from that country there was not one solitary petition; that there was not any military or naval office or command from which scotsmen were shut out; that, so far from being excluded from the higher offices of government, out of the fourteen members who composed the cabinet, three—lord aberdeen, lord melville, and mr. grant—were scotsmen and good presbyterians. even in england the shutting out, he said, was merely nominal. a protestant dissenter had been lord mayor of london the year before. the acts had practically gone into desuetude, and the existing law gave merely a nominal preponderance to the established church, which it was admitted on all hands it should possess.

the restrictions, however, if not to any great extent a practical grievance, were felt to be a stigma utterly undeserved, and the necessity for an annual indemnity act continually reminded a large, influential, intelligent, energetic portion of the nation of their inferiority to the rest of the king's subjects. the government felt that public opinion was against them. they therefore allowed the bill to go into committee without opposition, and there they adopted it as their own by carrying certain amendments. it passed the commons by a majority of 44, the numbers being 237 to 193. from the tone of the debate in the commons it was evident that the government was not sorry to be left in a minority. in the house of lords the measure encountered more opposition. lord eldon, exasperated with the treatment he had received from the ministers, denounced it with the utmost vehemence. when he heard of its success in the lower house, he was in a state of consternation.

the prejudiced old man fought with desperation against the measure in the lords. he was tremendously severe on the government. he said, much as he had heard of the march of mind, he did not believe that the march could have been so rapid as to induce some of the changes of opinion which he had witnessed within the last year. his opinions are now among the curiosities of a bygone age. his idea of religious liberty may be seen from the following:—"the sacramental act, though often assailed, had remained ever since the reign of charles ii., and the annual indemnity took away all its harshness. the obnoxious act did not interfere with the rights of conscience, as it did not compel any[267] man to take the sacrament according to the rites of the church of england, and only deprived him of office if he did not." he concluded by solemnly saying, "from his heart and soul, 'not content.'" he was effectually answered by the duke of wellington, and the bill was read a second time, without a division, on the 17th of april. on the 21st he proposed an amendment to exclude roman catholics from the benefit of the measure by inserting in the declaration the words, "i am a protestant." the amendment was negatived by 117 to 55; but so eager was he to have it adopted, that he renewed it on the third reading of the bill, when the contents were 52, not contents 154. still he entered on the journals a violent protest against the bill, in which he was joined by the duke of cumberland and nine other peers. as soon as the measure was carried, all the world acknowledged the duke of wellington's sagacity in declining the offer of lord eldon to return to office; for if that sturdy adherent to ancient prejudices had been lord chancellor or president of the council, the government must either have been speedily dissolved by internal dissensions or overthrown by a vain resistance to the popular voice.

this act, which repealed the test act, provided another security in lieu of the tests repealed:—"and whereas the protestant episcopal church of england and ireland, and the protestant presbyterian church of scotland, and the doctrine, discipline, and government thereof respectively are by the laws of this realm severally established permanently and inviolably, i., a., b., do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence of god, profess, testify, and declare, upon the true faith of a christian, that i will never exercise any power, authority, or influence which i may possess by virtue of the office of ——, to injure or weaken the protestant church, as it is by law established in england, or to disturb the said church, or the bishops and clergy of the said church, in the possession of any rights and privileges to which such church, or the said bishops and clergy, are or may be by law entitled."

on the 18th of june a public dinner, to commemorate the abolition of the sacramental test, was given at freemasons' hall, when the duke of sussex occupied the chair. the friends of the cause felt that to secure a meeting of the most opulent, talented, and influential dissenters from all parts of the empire was a measure of no common policy, and it was evident that the illustrious and noble guests felt at once surprised and gratified to witness the high respectability and generous enthusiasm of that great company. mr. william smith, as deputy chairman, proposed, in an interesting and appropriate speech, "the health of the duke of sussex, and the universal prevalence of those principles which placed his family upon the throne." the health of the archbishops, bishops, and other members of the established church who had advocated the rights of the dissenters was proposed by a baptist minister, the rev. dr. cox. the health of "the protestant dissenting ministers, the worthy successors of the ever memorable two thousand who sacrificed interest to conscience," having been proposed by the royal chairman, the rev. robert aspland returned thanks. another commemoration of the full admission of nonconformists to the privileges of the constitution was a medal struck by order of the united committee. the obverse side exhibits britannia, seated on the right, presenting to a graceful figure of liberty the act of repeal, while religion in the centre raises her eyes to heaven with the expression of thankfulness for the boon. the inscription on this side is "sacramental test abolished, may 9th, 1828." the reverse side presents an open wreath, enclosing the words, "truth, freedom, peace, and charity."