although it is far from improbable that, had sir robert peel been in england in the autumn of 1834, the whig government would not have been dismissed; nevertheless, whatever may now be the opinion of the policy of that measure; whether it be looked on as a premature movement which necessarily led to the compact reorganisation of the liberal party, or as a great stroke of state, which, by securing at all events a dissolution of the parliament of 1832, restored the healthy balance of parties in the legislature, questions into which we do not now wish to enter, it must be generally admitted, that the conduct of every individual eminently concerned in that great historical transaction was characterised by the rarest and most admirable quality of public life, moral courage. the sovereign who dismissed a ministry apparently supported by an overwhelming majority in the parliament and the nation, and called to his councils the absent chief of a parliamentary section, scarcely numbering at that moment one hundred and forty individuals, and of a party in the country supposed to be utterly discomfited by a recent revolution; the two ministers who in this absence provisionally administered the affairs of the kingdom in the teeth of an enraged and unscrupulous opposition, and perhaps themselves not sustained by a profound conviction, that the arrival of their expected leader would convert their provisional into a permanent position; above all the statesman who accepted the great charge at a time and under circumstances which marred probably the deep projects of his own prescient sagacity and maturing ambition; were all men gifted with a high spirit of enterprise, and animated by that active fortitude which is the soul of free governments.

it was a lively season, that winter of 1834! what hopes, what fears, and what bets! from the day on which mr. hudson was to arrive at rome to the election of the speaker, not a contingency that was not the subject of a wager! people sprang up like mushrooms; town suddenly became full. everybody who had been in office, and everybody who wished to be in office; everybody who had ever had anything, and everybody who ever expected to have anything, were alike visible. all of course by mere accident; one might meet the same men regularly every day for a month, who were only ‘passing through town.’

now was the time for men to come forward who had never despaired of their country. true they had voted for the reform bill, but that was to prevent a revolution. and now they were quite ready to vote against the reform bill, but this was to prevent a dissolution. these are the true patriots, whose confidence in the good sense of their countrymen and in their own selfishness is about equal. in the meantime, the hundred and forty threw a grim glance on the numerous waiters on providence, and amiable trimmers, who affectionately enquired every day when news might be expected of sir robert. though too weak to form a government, and having contributed in no wise by their exertions to the fall of the late, the cohort of parliamentary tories felt all the alarm of men who have accidentally stumbled on some treasure-trove, at the suspicious sympathy of new allies. but, after all, who were to form the government, and what was the government to be? was it to be a tory government, or an enlightened-spirit-of-the-age liberal-moderate-reform government; was it to be a government of high philosophy or of low practice; of principle or of expediency; of great measures or of little men? a government of statesmen or of clerks? of humbug or of humdrum? great questions these, but unfortunately there was nobody to answer them. they tried the duke; but nothing could be pumped out of him. all that he knew, which he told in his curt, husky manner, was, that he had to carry on the king’s government. as for his solitary colleague, he listened and smiled, and then in his musical voice asked them questions in return, which is the best possible mode of avoiding awkward inquiries. it was very unfair this; for no one knew what tone to take; whether they should go down to their public dinners and denounce the reform act or praise it; whether the church was to be re-modelled or only admonished; whether ireland was to be conquered or conciliated.

‘this can’t go on much longer,’ said taper to tadpole, as they reviewed together their electioneering correspondence on the 1st of december; ‘we have no cry.’

‘he is half way by this time,’ said tadpole; ‘send an extract from a private letter to the standard, dated augsburg, and say he will be here in four days.’

at last he came; the great man in a great position, summoned from rome to govern england. the very day that he arrived he had his audience with the king.

it was two days after this audience; the town, though november, in a state of excitement; clubs crowded, not only morning rooms, but halls and staircases swarming with members eager to give and to receive rumours equally vain; streets lined with cabs and chariots, grooms and horses; it was two days after this audience that mr. ormsby, celebrated for his political dinners, gave one to a numerous party. indeed his saloons to-day, during the half-hour of gathering which precedes dinner, offered in the various groups, the anxious countenances, the inquiring voices, and the mysterious whispers, rather the character of an exchange or bourse than the tone of a festive society.

here might be marked a murmuring knot of greyheaded privy-councillors, who had held fat offices under perceval and liverpool, and who looked back to the reform act as to a hideous dream; there some middle-aged aspirants might be observed who had lost their seats in the convulsion, but who flattered themselves they had done something for the party in the interval, by spending nothing except their breath in fighting hopeless boroughs, and occasionally publishing a pamphlet, which really produced less effect than chalking the walls. light as air, and proud as a young peacock, tripped on his toes a young tory, who had contrived to keep his seat in a parliament where he had done nothing, but who thought an under-secretaryship was now secure, particularly as he was the son of a noble lord who had also in a public capacity plundered and blundered in the good old time. the true political adventurer, who with dull desperation had stuck at nothing, had never neglected a treasury note, had been present at every division, never spoke when he was asked to be silent, and was always ready on any subject when they wanted him to open his mouth; who had treated his leaders with servility even behind their backs, and was happy for the day if a future secretary of the treasury bowed to him; who had not only discountenanced discontent in the party, but had regularly reported in strict confidence every instance of insubordination which came to his knowledge; might there too be detected under all the agonies of the crisis; just beginning to feel the dread misgiving, whether being a slave and a sneak were sufficient qualifications for office, without family or connection. poor fellow! half the industry he had wasted on his cheerless craft might have made his fortune in some decent trade!

in dazzling contrast with these throes of low ambition, were some brilliant personages who had just scampered up from melton, thinking it probable that sir robert might want some moral lords of the bed-chamber. whatever may have been their private fears or feelings, all however seemed smiling and significant, as if they knew something if they chose to tell it, and that something very much to their own satisfaction. the only grave countenance that was occasionally ushered into the room belonged to some individual whose destiny was not in doubt, and who was already practising the official air that was in future to repress the familiarity of his former fellow-stragglers.

‘do you hear anything?’ said a great noble who wanted something in the general scramble, but what he knew not; only he had a vague feeling he ought to have something, having made such great sacrifices.

‘there is a report that clifford is to be secretary to the board of control,’ said mr. earwig, whose whole soul was in this subaltern arrangement, of which the minister of course had not even thought; ‘but i cannot trace it to any authority.’

‘i wonder who will be their master of the horse,’ said the great noble, loving gossip though he despised the gossiper.

‘clifford has done nothing for the party,’ said mr. earwig.

‘i dare say rambrooke will have the buckhounds,’ said the great noble, musingly.

‘your lordship has not heard clifford’s name mentioned?’ continued mr. earwig.

‘i should think they had not come to that sort of thing,’ said the great noble, with ill-disguised contempt.’ the first thing after the cabinet is formed is the household: the things you talk of are done last;’ and he turned upon his heel, and met the imperturbable countenance and clear sarcastic eye of lord eskdale.

‘you have not heard anything?’ asked the great noble of his brother patrician.

‘yes, a great deal since i have been in this room; but unfortunately it is all untrue.’

‘there is a report that rambrooke is to have the buck-hounds; but i cannot trace it to any authority.’

‘pooh!’ said lord eskdale.

‘i don’t see that rambrooke should have the buckhounds any more than anybody else. what sacrifices has he made?’

‘past sacrifices are nothing,’ said lord eskdale. ‘present sacrifices are the thing we want: men who will sacrifice their principles and join us.’

‘you have not heard rambrooke’s name mentioned?’

‘when a minister has no cabinet, and only one hundred and forty supporters in the house of commons, he has something else to think of than places at court,’ said lord eskdale, as he slowly turned away to ask lucian gay whether it were true that jenny colon was coming over.

shortly after this, henry sydney’s father, who dined with mr. ornisby, drew lord eskdale into a window, and said in an undertone:

‘so there is to be a kind of programme: something is to be written.’

‘well, we want a cue,’ said lord eskdale. ‘i heard of this last night: rigby has written something.’

the duke shook his head.

‘no; peel means to do it himself.’

but at this moment mr. ornisby begged his grace to lead them to dinner.

‘something is to be written.’ it is curious to recall the vague terms in which the first projection of documents, that are to exercise a vast influence on the course of affairs or the minds of nations, is often mentioned. this ‘something to be written’ was written; and speedily; and has ever since been talked of.

we believe we may venture to assume that at no period during the movements of 1834-5 did sir robert peel ever believe in the success of his administration. its mere failure could occasion him little dissatisfaction; he was compensated for it by the noble opportunity afforded to him for the display of those great qualities, both moral and intellectual, which the swaddling-clothes of a routine prosperity had long repressed, but of which his opposition to the reform bill had given to the nation a significant intimation. the brief administration elevated him in public opinion, and even in the eye of europe; and it is probable that a much longer term of power would not have contributed more to his fame.

the probable effect of the premature effort of his party on his future position as a minister was, however, far from being so satisfactory. at the lowest ebb of his political fortunes, it cannot be doubted that sir robert peel looked forward, perhaps through the vista of many years, to a period when the national mind, arrived by reflection and experience at certain conclusions, would seek in him a powerful expositor of its convictions. his time of life permitted him to be tranquil in adversity, and to profit by its salutary uses. he would then have acceded to power as the representative of a creed, instead of being the leader of a confederacy, and he would have been supported by earnest and enduring enthusiasm, instead of by that churlish sufferance which is the result of a supposed balance of advantages in his favour. this is the consequence of the tactics of those short-sighted intriguers, who persisted in looking upon a revolution as a mere party struggle, and would not permit the mind of the nation to work through the inevitable phases that awaited it. in 1834, england, though frightened at the reality of reform, still adhered to its phrases; it was inclined, as practical england, to maintain existing institutions; but, as theoretical england, it was suspicious that they were indefensible.

no one had arisen either in parliament, the universities, or the press, to lead the public mind to the investigation of principles; and not to mistake, in their reformations, the corruption of practice for fundamental ideas. it was this perplexed, ill-informed, jaded, shallow generation, repeating cries which they did not comprehend, and wearied with the endless ebullitions of their own barren conceit, that sir robert peel was summoned to govern. it was from such materials, ample in quantity, but in all spiritual qualities most deficient; with great numbers, largely acred, consoled up to their chins, but without knowledge, genius, thought, truth, or faith, that sir robert peel was to form a ‘great conservative party on a comprehensive basis.’ that he did this like a dexterous politician, who can deny? whether he realised those prescient views of a great statesman in which he had doubtless indulged, and in which, though still clogged by the leadership of 1834, he may yet find fame for himself and salvation for his country, is altogether another question. his difficult attempt was expressed in an address to his constituents, which now ranks among state papers. we shall attempt briefly to consider it with the impartiality of the future.