in spite of the political and diplomatic events of the two months preceding the baltimore zionist convention, not one of the responsible zionist leaders uttered a word with regard to the political situation pertaining to palestine. the various rumors concerning a jewish republic in palestine have been answered by the representatives of american zionism with—silence. this attitude on the part of the responsible zionist leaders testifies to their political ability and tact, for nothing would be more dangerous today than to discuss palestine at a zionist assembly in as careless a manner as persons have done for the last few months. the situation is still fraught with difficulties, dangers and uncertainty; and the less it is spoken of the better for all parties concerned. the question on the lips of every delegate to the convention: what have we to expect? has been well answered by the representative of the provisional committee for general zionist affairs—we expect to be able to create after the war such conditions in palestine as to enable us to carry out our program. to those delegates who are not able to think in terms of statesmanship the answer of the official representatives of the provisional committee must have appeared to be unsatisfactory, but the better politically trained zionists appreciated the answer as the only one possible under the present circumstances and it convinced them that the leaders in this country are politically on the right track.

all the talk about a speedy establishment of a jewish republic in palestine in which even a part of the general press indulged is pure fancy if we consider things in the light of reality. a republic or any form of state cannot be made—it must grow naturally from certain given conditions, it must develop organically. so long as the people and the people's land are separated physically from one another, how can the synthesis of the state be won? it is, therefore, clear that the very first condition for the realization of the zionist program is a settlement of jews in palestine en masse, which settlement is not possible unless certain economic conditions are created to enable the settlers to organize their life speedily and acclimatize themselves as quickly as possible. but this creating of conditions is not as easy a task as many persons imagine. it not only presumes a favorable political situation, but also a display of organizing genius, important financial transactions and almost heroic deeds. if palestine were an industrial country where new industries could be created or the old ones so developed as to give sustenance to masses of new settlers, the task would not be difficult. palestine, however, is at present not an industrial country, there are no mines and consequently no factories of importance; it is altogether an agricultural country, the soil of which, though potentially very productive, has been neglected for centuries and must be regenerated before it can produce enough to feed a large population. but even if palestine were an industrial country it would be an unwise policy to make industry the economic basis of the future population. if the jewish people are going to be reborn not only politically but also physically, mentally and morally, the masses of the jewish people must return to agriculture and to country life. for the last two thousand years we have been a city-population and we have acquired all the habits and qualities of one. city life has wrought havoc among us. if zionism has a philosophy then the return of large numbers of the jews to country-life is part and parcel of that philosophy by which we must abide if we do not mean to deceive ourselves. besides, agriculture is a much sounder basis for a state than industry. the agricultural country is peaceful, conservative, moderate, while the industrial country is always restless, upset, radical and bellicose. if an individualistic—and because of a long life in the dispersion—nervous people like the jews should build its entire future on industry, it would be built on sand. for this and many other good reasons, we must make agriculture the main economic basis of jewish life in palestine. but to create favorable agricultural conditions to enable an immigration en masse to palestine is much more difficult than to create favorable industrial conditions, especially in view of the fact that the palestinian soil has been neglected.

the economic future of palestine rests to our present knowledge on agriculture and trade. for the past ten years palestinian trade has been increasing from year to year,especially that of commerce in fruit and wine. palestine can, if its soil is properly tilled and modern agricultural methods used, produce such quantities of fruits and grain as not only to feed the native population but also to supply other countries. the same holds true of wine and tobacco and probably cotton. industries can be established which have the home products as a main basis, such as canning and packing industries, manufacture of soap, perfumes, etc. the possibilities of pastoral industry in palestine are enormous, and industrious jewish ranchers may turn eastern palestine into a second texas.

there are altogether vast possibilities and should a favorable political situation enable us to revive and to create the necessary economic conditions for a jewish settlement en masse in the land, jewish industry and jewish financial strength combined with jewish idealism would within a few years of hard work prepare the ground for a realization of the zionist program. this is what the zionist leaders have in mind when they speak of creating such conditions in palestine. it is further understood that next to the preparing of economic conditions, something must be done in the field of social and cultural preparation. when a group of jews is sent to palestine, it must find there such social and cultural preparations as to make civilized life possible. one cannot, of course, build communities, schools, social and charitable institutions in palestine before large masses of our people have settled in the country. the ground for the establishment of such institutions must be prepared before the actual immigration takes place for we will not send our people to a wilderness. the jewish groups that will emigrate to palestine may not find actually erected all the schools and hospitals they need, but they must find everything that is necessary for re-establishment of such institutions and the men needed to conduct them. this is not an easy task but it can be accomplished if we centre our organizing genius on it. in this way we can judaize palestine in a relatively short time and when this is done the geographic and economic position will be used for a strengthening of all the sociological factors which are necessary for the creation of a jewish homeland. palestine, on account of its geographic condition can again be developed to a mighty trade centre and it can become the great commercial roadway between europe, africa and western asia. this, together with its solid economic and social organization, will give palestine political strength and position among the civilized countries in the world.

it can thus be seen that it is futile at present to talk of the immediate establishment of a jewish republic in palestine. the very best that can be done and will be done is to prepare the ground economically, socially and culturally for the settlement of great masses of our people in the holy land. and it will be for the settlers to shape the future and to strive to realize the zionist ideal: a permanently secured homeland for the jewish people in the land of its ancestors. unless this big work is done, no power on earth can help us carry out our national political program, because states cannot be made but must develop organically.